 Re-Colonization:
A Response to Failure of Democratization; the Case of Comoro Islands
(Paper presented at the Fifth Annual Penn African
Studies Workshop, October 17, 1997)
by Ahmed Shariff (University of Pennsylvania)
[Copyright 1998, Ahmed Shariff, All Rights Reserved.
This work may be cited, for non-profit educational use only, by crediting
the author and the exact URL of this document.]
Introduction
Events leading to the cessation
Historical Background
Analysis
Conclusion
 Introduction
Recent events in the Comoro islands have drawn the attention to what is
emerging as a very delicate issue which, if not contained wisely and tactfully,
could turn to be a problem to future political development in African countries
- the return to colonization.
It seems unimaginable and absurd for anybody, particularly for
an African population to demand re-colonization, but it is a reality. At
this very moment that I am writing this paper, a delegation from the Organization
of African Unity (OAU) and the Arab League (AL) is in Moroni, the capital
of the Federal Islamic Republic of Comoros, herein referred as the Comoros,
to negotiate between separatists from Anjouan, one of the islands that
constitute the Comoros and the government of Comoros. The island of Anjouan
or locally known as Nzuwani, declared cessation from the rest of the country
on 3rd August of this year and announced their intention to
rejoin France, the former colonial power. Why would a population choose
to be re-colonized? What factor or factors led to such a decision? What
happened to the democratic ideals and the democratization process as a
whole in this area? Or, what's the future of democracy in Africa? I have
chosen to address these questions and show the extent to which lack of
opportunities, hope, expectations, developmental resources, and the failure
of the democratization process can drive people to be so desperate to the
extent of preferring recolonization to independence. This is the first
case in the history of Africa since independence for an independent population
to ask voluntarily to rejoin the colonial power. However, in order to understand
the factors that led to the present crisis , it is necessary to have a
brief knowledge of the economic, political and social dynamics that preceded
it.
Introduction
| Events leading to the cessation | Historical
Background | Analysis |
Conclusion
Events
leading to the cessation
On July 6, 1997 during the celebration of the 22nd anniversary of the independence
of the Comoros, a spontaneous demonstration took place in Anjouan, one
of the three islands that formed the Federal Republic of Comoros. They
pulled down the official Comorian flag of green and four stars lined on
a crescent and hoisted the tri-color French flag along with the red flag
that pertained to the pre-colonial Sultan of Anjouan. In response, the
government sent a police force to disperse the crowd that seemed unorganized.
A confrontation between the demonstrators and the government forces resulted
in one death and several wounded. The government dispersed the crowd and
established law and order.
On August 3, less than a month after the first demonstration,
a much more organized mob appeared in front of the government building
in Mutsamudou, the island's capital, pulled down the Comoran flag, as they
did in the July event and declared separation from the rest of the country.
They did not only declare cessation but also hoisted at the same time the
French flag and expressed their desire to be re-integrated with the French
administration. The whole country was in shock, not only because the demonstrators
declared separation from the rest of the islands but also because of their
wish to be re-colonized. It took the government almost a week to decide
on the appropriate action to take against the rebellions. The government
again sent a para-military force to arrest the situation but this time
it was met with a resistance. The roads from the airport to the city were
blocked by the separatists. The military, with limited logistics could
not penetrate the barriers laid down by the separatist militia. Consequently,
the national army, which was sent to deal with the situation instead of
the regular police, was restricted to the airport.
The stand-off lasted for almost a week before an emissary from the OAU
arrived to initiate contact with the separatists and establish a dialogue
between the separatists and the Comorian government. September 10, 1997
was fixed as the first day of negotiation. The army from Ngazija, the seat
of the government, retreated from Anjouan. On September 7, three days before
the beginning of the negotiation the government made a night assault to
Anjouan with the aim of fighting the separatists and retake control of
the island. The government felt that it needed to establish order and regain
control of Anjouan before going to any negotiation. This was intended to
give the government a position of strength at the negotiation table. However,
the separatists militia who were alerted before the attack, fought back
and prevented the central government from taking over the island. An undetermined
number of government police were shot and some are feared dead, some were
wounded and about 80 of them were held hostage by the separatists. The
government did not release the number of police involved in the attack,
nor the victims. It also blamed France for intervening in the crisis by
helping the separatists with arms and manpower. However, France rejected
such claims.
The government assault was met with criticisms both internally and externally.
The population, at first praised the government for restraining to confront
the separatists militarily, avoiding unnecessary blood shed. Thus, when
the assault took place, the government was widely criticized and its credibility
and legitimacy became questionable. Externally, the act of attacking the
separatist was criticized by the OAU who were already preparing for the
negotiations. The attack also increased the separatist's distrust of the
central government and solidified their call to be separated from the other
islands. The separatist movement found a cause to have aske for international
security arrangement before going to Addis Abeba for negotiation. The Arab
League joined the OAU in tying to find a solution the crisis. Three questions
follow; What led to the rebellion? Why did they choose to be re-colonized?
Does the separatist movement do justice to the democratic movement in Africa?
To address these questions, we need also to understand a brief history
of Comoran politics.
Introduction
| Events leading to the cessation | Historical
Background | Analysis |
Conclusion
Historical
Background
The Comoran Archipelago was originally composed of four islands; Grand
Comore or Ngazija, the largest of the islands with the administrative capital
in Moroni, Anjoua or Nzuwani, Mayotte or Maore and Moheli or Mwali, in
order of size and population . France first colonized the island of Mayotte
around 1840 and completed the colonization of the other islands by 1890.
The first colonial administration was based in Mayotte where a number of
French settlers made their home and produced a segment of the society of
mixed race of Franco-Comorian. When Madagascar became a French colony,
the Comoros and Madagascar were combined into one colonial administration
with the administrative capital in Antananarivo, Madagscar. The colonial
administration remained in Madagascar until after the second World War
when the two entities were separated again and Comoros had its own administration
with its capital in Mayotte. The relationship between Malagasy and Comorans
grew stronger and led to huge number of immigration movement between the
two countries. Most Malagasy emigrants settled in Mayotte and joined the
Franco-Comorian in Mayotte to form the elite group of the island and became
the dominant political and economic group.
In 1958 a referendum was organized by Charles de Gaulle, the president
of France, to consult the French Overseas Territories on whether they preferred
to be independent or continue to be under French protection. Comoros, like
all French African colonies (except Guinea) opted to remain under French
dominion. Two years later, France decided to grant independence to all
its African colonies but continued to exercise a significant power in the
newly independent countries. However, Comoros, was among the very few countries
that insisted on retaining the French status claiming that it was not developed
enough to be independent. The Comorian politicians argued that with other
French African nations being independent, France would pay more attention
to Comoros and would provide more resources for development. Thus, Instead
of Comoro acceding independence at the same time as the other colonies,
it was offered internal government, with France controlling finances, foreign
affairs and security.
The president of the internal government, who was from Ngazija, transferred
the capital from Mayotte to Moroni in 1961. This was the beginning of discontent
between the people of Mayotte and Ngazija. Comoros remained autonomous
under French administration until 1974 when calls for independence from
inside and outside the country could no longer be ignored. Until this point,
Comoros was a unified political entity composed of four islands and under
the same colonial administration. While social differences between the
islands existed, they were seen as part and parcel of the internal social
structures of the country and were not considered as factors for separation.
The political situation in the region became very sensitive to
France at this period. The cold war was still in force and France's military
presence in this part of Indian Ocean was facing some problems. The three
French military bases that were in Madagascar since its independence were
closed down by the revolutionary government that came to power in 1972.
In order to continue its military presence in the area considered as France's
sphere of influence by other super powers, it was necessary for France
to have its forces stationed in the region. Comoros provided an alternative.
The islands are located at the entrance of the Mozambique Channel,
the route that was vital for military surveillance around the cape. When
the referendum for independence was held in 1974 to decide whether the
Comoros would accede to independence or remain under France, the initial
arrangement was that the results would be declared globally, that is, all
four islands together. The global results were 95% for independence and
5% against. The 5% represented part of the people of Mayotte who voted
to remain with France. Instead of declaring the results globally, France
suggested that a new round of votes be held in which the results would
be announced island by island to satisfy the wish of each population. This
suggestion was bitterly rejected by the rest of the country supported by
the international community. France refused to change the new law which
was passed after referendum. The Comorian authorities declared a Unilateral
Independence (UDI) on July 6, 1975, six months after the referendum. Consequently,
France maintained that the people of Mayotte did not want independence
thus, prevented Mayotte from joining the other islands in their independence.
France, used Article 53 , para 3 of the French Constitution of 1985 which
stipulates that ".... No cessation, no exchange, no addition of territory
shall be valid without the consent of the population concerned" to maintain
Mayotte under France. Successive governments of Comoros have continued,
to date, to press for the return of Mayotte to the rest of the island,
using international fora such as the United Nations, the OAU and the Arab
League. All these organizations recognized and admitted Comoros in their
membership in its territorial integrity (all four islands). However, for
22 years, nothing was done to compel France to give up Mayotte. How does
the question of Mayotte affect the current events in the Comoros?
The Comoros, like most African countries, have faced a downfall
drive in their economic and social development since independence. The
economic hardships have been coupled with spells of coups d'etat that have
almost become symbol of the political system of the islands. The first
coup took place just a month after the declaration of independence in 1975.
Since then, 17 coup attempts have taken place, four of them by the infamous
mercenary Bob Denard. He ruled the country behind the back of the former
president Ahmed Abdalla, from Anjouan, for twelve years. Together they
controlled more than 70% of the country's economy as well as the political
system under a single party. Poverty, disease and malnutrition increased.
Corruption became rampant and the population started to look outside for
help. Mayotte, the neighboring sister island, was fairing better. French
businesses were operating in Mayotte providing jobs and income to the local
population. The French welfare subsidy for the jobless and the sick was
one of the main attractions. Consequently, Mayotte started to attract immigrants
from the other three islands. All those who had relatives in Mayotte, found
a "safe heaven".
In December 1989 Bob Denard was dissatisfied with his boss and
protegee, Ahmed Abdalla. The latter, was acting under internal and external
pressure to eliminate the presence of mercenaries in the country. Denard
decided to act control the situation personally. He assassinated Ahmed
Abdalla while they were alone at the presidency. The state was paralyzed
for a while. Denard tried to look for someone else to put in power and
blamed the military for the assassination. However, neither the Comorian
population nor the international community bought his claims. The French
Navy and the South African military intervened and expelled Denard and
his army from the country. The sudden death of Ahmed Abdalla left the position
of President open for grab. It was also a foundation for the transition
to democracy in the Comoros.
A national conference was held by all political organizations in the
country , amended the constitution and established multiparty system .
More than twenty political organizations were formed and the first multiparty
election was held in 1990. However, the national conference did not alter
the federal arrangement that was installed by Ahmed Abdalla. The new regime
under the democratic banner was led by Said Mohamed Djohar, from Ngazija,
thus ending twelve years of reign of Anjuanese. Djohar tried to unit the
country by giving all political parties the opportunity to participate
the in the government. Consequently, there was a new government after every
three months. Most of these governments were led by an Anjouan as Prime
Minister. The frequent change of governments increased instability both
politically and economically. It also created a social tension between
citizens of different islands. Djohar was finally removed by Bob Denard
in another coup. However, the coup did not last long. The international
community again intervened and arrested Denard. The anticipated second
multiparty election was held in March 1996, and Mr. Mohamed Taki Abdulkarim,
Who opposed Djohar in the first election, was elected to lead the second
multiparty democratic government.
While the federal arrangement continued, the new Comorian executive
decided to change some of the powers. He proposed that, instead of the
governors of the island to be elected by their respective populations,
they would be nominated by the president. He thus took away the power from
the islands. By nominating the governor, the president managed to continue
to reinforce the patrimonial character of his regime which became the mode
of the political system and governance of the country since independence.
This meant that the islands were deprived of the only power they had, to
elect their own governor. Above all, the economic situation continued to
deteriorate and the development imbalance between the islands became more
and more evident. Since the government is the major employer of the country
and the government administration is in Moroni, Ngazija, most of the business
and commercial activities are concentrated on the island of Ngazija. The
other two islands, not only have been losing jobs but also businesses and
skilled manpower to Ngazija.
Access to mayotte has not been smooth by members of the other islands.
Many people try to enter Mayotte through the back door, avoiding immigration
formalities. Such means resulted in grave consequences. The lucky ones
were arrested and returned to their original homes but many people perished
in the sea. With the closure of access to Mayotte and the increased loss
of opportunities for development, the people of Anjouan people started
to show concern about the situation on their island. They drew the attention
of the authorities on the deteriorating situation. Most people who work
on the island are state employees and there has been a pattern of delay
of salary for government employees since the time of Ahmed Abdalla. The
salary delay could run from four to six months at that time. Mr. Abdulkarim
promised to pay the civil servants regularly if they would forgive the
unpaid salaries . This was bitterly accepted. However, the delay of salary
did not stop and in fact it increased from six month to almost one year.
The dissatisfaction increased and the people of Anjouan felt that they
were more affected than their Ngazija counterparts. Several demonstrations
were held to oppose the delay in payment of salary of civil servants in
Anjouan. The government, however, did not heed to their demands. Thus,
the anger turned into hatred and the decision was taken to separate.
However, what really added fuel to the fire was the discrimination
of the government in judicial matters between residents of islands. In
an effort to normalize the judicial process and make it fairer and free
from state intervention, the court in Moroni started series of cases of
mismanagement of public enterprises. The first person to be apprehended,
accused, tried and condemned for such actions was the director of the state
newspaper who originated from Anjouan. When the court started to deal with
other people of Ngazija origin in similar cases the president intervened,
stopped the process and transferred the judges concerned. This angered
the people of Anjouan. Demand for fair treatment of all citizens was also
included in the demands in demonstrations of July and August. The people
of Anjoua became more and more desperate, frustrated and angered by the
central government. The problem turned around to be Ngazija against Anjouan
and not government inefficiency. They felt the need for a change in order
to solve their problems. The solution, according to them, lies else where
- the French welfare state, as that of Mayotte. But to obtain French welfare
and French social benefits, one must be a French citizen or under French
colony as in Mayotte. Separation from the other islands, therefore, became
the only option encouraged and supported by Mayotte separatists.
Introduction
| Events leading to the cessation | Historical
Background | Analysis |
Conclusion
Analysis
The above description of the situation in Comoros indicates three main
reasons that led to the cessation; (1) lack of economic opportunities for
development on the island of Anjouan, (2) failure of the democratization
process (3) external influence.
The problem in Comnoros is economical. It is quite understandable that
when a population sees its economic opportunities dropping to the poverty
level, it is required to look for an alternative way to get out of the
crisis. However, going to the lowest esteem of recolonization was unbearable,
and far from being the appropriate solution. Comoros remained under French
domination fifteen years after most African countries got their independence
and yet they were not better off economically than when they rejected independence
in 1960. In fact, it was due to the stagnant economic situation during
the fifteen years of internal government that led to the population's call
for independence. It's beyond any logic that France today will recolonize
a country in order to provide it with economic opportunities for development,
particularly when the economic potentials in that country are limited.
African countries that depend on single crop economy have been the worst
affected economically during the three decades of independence.
Comoros depend mainly on Vanilla, Ylang Ylang and to some extent Cloves
for export. The big share of production comes from Ngazija. Ylang Yang
is almost being phased out due to lack of export caused by the fall of
the world price. Vanilla and cloves used to be the major foreign currency
earners for Comoros but now they have also lost tremendously in the world
market. Their prices fell down for two reasons; increased competition in
the world market and increased production of synthetic vanilla in the West.
Comoros compete with Madagascar for the production and s ell of Vanilla,
and with Zanzibar, Madagascar and Indonesia for cloves. The fall of prices
does not favor the Comoros as a whole let alone the island of Anjoua. It
is evident that the separatist leaders did not take time to study the economic
advantages or disadvantages of separation, unless they decided to use the
event as a means and not an end, to draw the attention from the authorities
for more economic development.
The democratization process in the islands started in 1990 after president
Ahmed Abdalla was assassinated by Bob Denard. But if holding of elections
signifies democracy, then the Comoros have been democratic since independence
as elections have been held regularly since 1978. However, none of these
elections were considered fair even within the one party system. Ahmed
Abdalla had ruled the country single handedly in a patron-client relationship
and authoritarianism. Opposition was tolerated during non- election period
but never during election. Corruption reached every sector of the society
including the courts, the police and the security. The media was controlled
by the state; radio and newspaper were state owned. Better social services
were provided to those who were considered close to the regime. They would
be sent to South Africa, Reunion or France for treatment. Children of the
elites were also sent outside the country for education while local schools
were seized with constant strikes by teachers claiming six months to one
year salary in arrears. Such situation was found not only in Ngazija, the
seat of the government, but also, and even worse in the other islands.
Democracy does not only mean rule by the people, it also implies social
justice to all. The two democratically elected regime followed the footsteps
of their predecessor Ahmed Abdalla and Bob Denard. Democracy is paid a
lip service only. There is tendency to believe that a president must be
a strong person and to show the strength he/she must have unlimited executive
powers. That is true in Comoros as in many other African countries, for
example Kenya, Cameroon and Uganda, to name but a few. Once the president
was sworn in, he rules with absolute executive power. Accountability, transparency,
protection of human rights and individual freedoms all become empty promises
of election campaigns. His action and words are final. Authoritarianism,
dictatorship and, to some extent anarchy, return under the cover of democracy.
Opposition parties either act as rubber stamp of the ruling party or are
treated as enemies and traitors by the ruling elite. Democracy is suffocated.
For the people of Anjouan, geographically separated from the government
and lacking ability to participate in the policy decision , looked for
an alternative. While the departure of the old dictatorship had brought
hope to the people, the return of authoritarianism and regionalism increased
the social divisions and reduced the chances of real democracy being implanted
in the country. While the decision to separate could be considered to be
the result of a strangled democracy, the action itself could not be considered
democratic either. There was no justification possible to take arms and
fight in order to change the regime. No country in modern politics has
willingly accepted to be divided just because a minority part of the population
is in disagreement or in conflict of interests with the regime. It is widely
agreed in international law that boundaries inherited at independence are
recognized and accepted as the permanent boundaries of modern nation-states.
However, there are arguments that insist that the present boundaries are
the result of European division of Africa and do not represent the true
boundaries of African nationalities. Therefore, there is no obligation
to respect them.
While the latter argument merits great considerations, any re-drawing
of boundaries in Africa today would demand the "Berlin " type of conference
among Africans themselves which, in my opinion, is long overdue. There
is need for mutual respect of each other's boundary as well as the respect
for minority's rights within those boundaries to avoid extreme wishes of
separation.
Europe itself is facing separation movements. Spain is still fighting
against the separatist Baas, England with Ireland in spite of recent accords
to end hostilities, and so are France, Russia, Italy, Bosnia etc. All these
countries consider their territorial integrity as indivisible. And so is
the Comoros. The separatist action is a clear sign of the breakdown of
the democratization process; disrespect for minority rights, regionalism,
breakdown of law and order, corruption, favoritism, mismanagement of public
enterprises etc. In short, it was the frustration and lack of open opportunities
for the people to participate in their own political and economic development
that, to an extreme case, led them to wish to be recolonized. But why ask
for recolonization and not simply be independent? This leads us to the
last point, that of the presence of external influence.
Reports from foreign media who have been covering the crisis since
its nascent supported by local political analysts suggest that the conflict
was exacerbated by the influence of Mayotte separatists who encouraged
the Anjouanese to separate. The main reason is that Mayotte will soon be
consulted to decide whether they want to be an Overseas French Territory
(FOT) or French Overseas Department (FOD). The first allows territory,
once conquered by France, to remain under French until when it decides
to be independent. This was usually the status given to French overseas
colonies. The latter is considered as part of France and cannot claim independence.
This was the status given to those countries that were heavily settled
by French or were found unoccupied before the arrival of French settlers.
The island of Reunion is one such territories. The consultation entails
two problems of interest. First, France under pressure from European Union
(EU) is looking for means to discharge off the responsibilities of running
an uneconomically productive island ten thousand kilometers from France.
The cold war is over, Mayotte is no longer needed to serve the strategic
importance it once enjoyed. The consultation will provide an opportunity
to pressure local politicians to join their sister islands.
But the local Mayotte politicians who want to remain French knew
the official French position and decided to act fast. They explored the
economic weakness of Anjouan, identified potential partners and promised
them that, if they managed to separate, Mayotte will help them integrate
into the French system as they did. They could only enjoy the French welfare
system by being under French, which was not difficult. France will accept
them as a people who decided on their own destiny. The Anjouan separatists
responded to the drums and started to play the Mayotte tune, completely
unaware that, under the present international laws and regulations that
recognize the boundaries of the countries admitted to the United Nations
as final, France can not encourage the division of a nation state let alone
recolonize it. What the Mayotte politicians wanted was to be able to point
a finger to the crisis and the political instability in Comoros as a way
of defending their decision to remain in the French system. The Anjouan
separatists, therefore, remain losers.
Introduction
| Events leading to the cessation | Historical
Background | Analysis |
Conclusion
Conclusion
The paper has enlightened an important consequence of the failure of democracy,
the envy and willingness to be recolonized. The people of Anjoua who descended
on the streets in support of the separatist movement, especially the younger
generation, did not do so because they preferred the colonial state, with
which they had no experience at all. It was simply because the door to
true democracy was closed. Not only was social justice denied to them,
but also all opportunities to take part in the decision of their own development
were placed in the hands of the authoritarian regime of the central government.
The state took the name of the Federal Islamic Republic while there was
nothing federal in the state arrangement. It was a complete unitary state
with all the powers delegated to the executive branch. It was this arrangement
that frustrated the population of Anjouan and led them to take the drastic
actions.
While the case of Comoros may seem to come from very poor and small
islands, it may have serious repercussions in Africa. The multiparty elections
held on the continent have not produced the desired democracy. They simply
changed the electoral system from single or no party system to a multiparty
system but did not change the governance style or the mentality of the
ruling elite. The "winner take all" system favors the ruling elite and
denies an important segment of the society their right to participate in
the decision making process of the country. Liberal democratic ideals are
not being respected. Most regimes in Africa remain authoritarian under
the guise of democracy simply because of the presence of plural parties
or the holding of regular elections. While it is true that multiparty and
elections are components of democracy, they alone are not sufficient to
warrant the country democratic. Presidential executive powers still dominate
African political systems to the detriment of democracy. Recognition, respect
and acceptance of opposite opinions still lag behind and so is the respect
for human rights and individual freedoms. Very few countries in Africa
could be said to be true democracy. If Western liberal democracy is the
solution to African problems, than Africans have a long way to go. Re-colonization
is even worse, but could it be an alternative?
Introduction
| Events leading to the cessation | Historical
Background | Analysis |
Conclusion
|
