| UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA - AFRICAN STUDIES CENTER |
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Vol.6 No.5 Sep-Oct 94
** EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES **
The Horn of Africa Bulletin (HAB) is an international media review, compiling and recording news and comments on the Horn of Africa. Reports published in HAB represent a variety of published sources and do not necessarily represent the views of the editors.
Readers are always referred to the original sources for complete versions. When HAB uses a secondary source, the secondary source is given first, followed by the primary source in square brackets. Some items are re-titled to best reflect the content of chosen excerpts. Sections marked with "/HAB/" are introductions or comments made by the editors. Square brackets are used to indicate changes/ additions made by the editors. (Square brackets appearing within a secondary source may also indicate changes made by a previous editor.)
Note of Thanks: We are particularly indebted to our readers for their contributions and to our sources for their invaluable cooperation.
** ABBREVIATIONS **
Abbreviations of sources used in this publication:
AB - African Business; AC - Africa Confidential; AED - Africa Economic
Digest via RBB; AFP - Agence France Presse, Paris; AI - Amnesty
International; AN - Africa News; ANB - African News Bulletin; APS -
Africa Press Service; AR - Africa Report; ARN - Arab News; CSM -
Christian Science Monitor, World Edition; DN - Daily Nation; DNR -
Dagens Nyheter; DT - Daily Telegraph via RBB; EC - Ethiopian
Commentator; EH - Ethiopian Herald; EN - Ethiopia News; ENA -
Ethiopian News Service; ER - Ethiopian Review; FOA - Focus on Africa;
GI - Guardian Independent; GN - The Guardian via RBB; GW - Guardian
Weekly; HRM - Human Rights Monitor; IHT - International Herald
Tribune; IND - The Independent via RBB; ION - Indian Ocean Newsletter;
KT - Kenya Times; LICR - Lloyd's Information Casualty Report via RBB;
LWI - Lutheran World Information; MD - Monday Developments; MEED -
Middle East Economic Digest via RBB; NA - New African; NFE - News from
Ethiopia; NN - NordNet; NNS - NGO Networking Service's Monthly Update
via NordNet; NYT - New York Times; RBB - Reuters Business Briefing;
SCSG - Scottish Churches' Sudan Group Newsletter; SDG - Sudan
Democratic Gazette; SHRV - Sudan Human Rights Voice; SN - Sudan
Embassy News; SNU - Somalia News Update; SSV - Southern Sudan Vision;
STD - Standard; SU - Sudan Update; SvD - Svenska Dagbladet; SWB - BBC
Summary of World Broadcasts via RBB; UNIC - United Nations Information
Center, Sydney, via NN; WH - The White House via
Radio stations are abbreviated as follows:
RNU - Radio National Unity, Omdurman; RFI - Radio France
Internationale, Paris; RH - Radio Hargeisa, Voice of Republic of
Somaliland; RMO - Radio Mogadishu; RMV - Radio Mogadishu, Voice of the
Great Somali People; RSR - Republic of Sudan Radio, Omdurman; VBME -
Voice of the Broad Masses of Eritrea, Asmara; VOA - Voice of America;
VOE - Voice of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa; VOEE - Voice of Ethiopia
External Service, Addis Ababa; VOEN - Voice of Ethiopia National
Service, Addis Ababa.
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** HAB VIA THE AFRICAN STUDIES WWW! **
In cooperation with the African Studies Program at the University of
Pennsylvania, The Horn of African Bulletin is now available on The
African Studies World-Wide Web.
To access HAB via World-Wide Web:
http://www.african.upenn.edu/African_Studies/Newsletters/
menu_HAF_Main.html
To access HAB via Telnet:
www.upenn.edu/WWW servers/Academic Servers/African Studies at Penn/
Bulletin Board/Newsletters/Horn of African Bulletin
THE AFRICAN STUDIES WWW
Africanists can now access a database of African Studies materials on
the World-Wide Web, which contains teaching materials for teachers,
the business community, and other networked individuals at Penn. The
Web also contains information on programs and resources at Penn, in
the US, Africa and elsewhere. The African Studies Center is part of a
four-school consortium that includes Bryn Mawr, Haverford, and
Swarthmore Colleges and the University of Pennsylvania. The consortium
promotes interdisciplinary instruction and research in African
languages and area studies and exchange relationships with African
institutions. The Center's outreach program, which maintains the
electronic bulletin board, is prepared to extend its resources to the
local community, surrounding schools and colleges, and the public at
large.
PLEASE CONTRIBUTE TO THE AFRICAN STUDIES INFORMATION BOARD
If you have comments, suggestions, or Africa/Africanist related
information on programs and resources in the United States, Africa
and elsewhere, please feel free to send me this information via
e-mail.
Send your contrubutions and/or comments to:
PLEASE NOTE: This information board for African Studies was initiated
in March, 1993. It is a work in progress. The African Studies
Program at U. Penn hopes that this will be an interactive project
among Penn Africanists and other African Studies information networks.
For suggestions, comments and updates on the African Studies materials
included in PennInfo, please contact me at the above address.
8/94
======================================================================
DISCLAIMER: The views and opinions expressed in the articles posted
here in no way reflect the views or policies of either the University
of Pennsylvania, or the African Studies Program.
======================================================================
Ali B. Dinar
Outreach Coordinator, Philadelphia, PA 19104-6398
African Studies Program Phone: (215) 898-6971
University of Pennsylvania Fax: (215) 898-7462
418 University Museum E-mail aadinar@mail.sas.upenn.edu
** E D I T O R I A L **
"PEACE FROM WITHIN"
Sudan is a country full of potential, rich in resources and manpower,
yet its people are starving and bleeding to death as its power-hungry
leaders refuse to talk about peace except on their own terms, clinging
to the notion that the armed struggle will bring a solution to the
conflict.
Having returned home to Khartoum from Nairobi after consulting with
President arap Moi and the presidents of Eritrea, Ethiopia and Uganda
on the continuation of the IGADD peace talks, Sudan's president, Omar
Hassan al Bashir, has vowed to keep up the struggle for peace.
However, Bashir's way to peace is not entirely peaceful.
On the one hand, Bashir will continue to send delegations to the IGADD
talks, although the September meeting was preceded by frantic
manoeuvering, whereby the government of Sudan tried to split the IGADD
initiative by wooing Kenya into taking on a new and more exclusive
role as host to the peace talks. Finally, however, the Sudan
government sent a delegation to the September talks--a new, hardline
delegation under Ghazi Salah el Din, one of the hawks in the NIF
hierarchy.
On the other hand, Bashir has promised to "liberate" the south through
military means, or to use another favorite government phrase, to
"bring peace from within". Shortly after the talks, news is reaching
us that Mundri has been bombed from the air. Only the government has
the capacity for aerial bombardment.
It seems clear that the military option is the first choice of the
government, and thus far, they have been fairly successful. They have
been able to keep up the pressure on the SPLA during the rainy season,
and as the dry season is here, we can expect that the bombing of
Mundri is just the start of another major government offensive. All
the garrison towns in the south have received reinforcements.
The government also knows how to use and exacerbate the split within
the SPLA. By arming some of the splinter-groups they have effectively
kept up the fight against the two major SPLA factions, without even
having to be present. But the government must be aware that to gain a
decisive victory over a guerilla movement is not an easy task. Even if
the government succeeds in taking all the main towns in the south, the
war will be far from over. It can go on for decades in the bush of
southern Sudan.
The two main SPLA factions, for their part, have managed to keep on
speaking terms as they are bracing themselves to counter the expected
offensive from the government. It is rumored that they have received
fresh arms supplies, and apparently they are not without military
strength. Despite repeated reports that government troops are poised
to take Nimule, as HAB goes to press, Nimule remains in the hands of
the SPLA.
However, there has also been factional fighting in the south by the
splinter groups under William Nyon Bani, Kerubino Kuanyin Bol and
other militia groups which the government is said to supply with arms.
The factional fighting in the south has for years been targeting the
civilian population. It has caused great terror and displaced tens of
thousands who flee the fighting. What began as a liberation struggle
has in many cases deteriorated into a predatory war on the civilian
population, causing the ethnic groups to turn on each other.
In this bleak picture there are some encouraging signs emerging from
the people in the south. In Upper Nile there has been a reconciliation
meeting between two Nuer groups who have earlier been involved in
vicious fighting. It is an attempt at seeking to reconcile the groups
through their traditional chiefs, local leaders and the church, to
revive the old ways of dealing with conflict in order to heal the
rifts between the groups--rifts that have been exploited and
exacerbated by ruthless military leaders. It is a spontaneous effort
which has grown out of a desperate need for peace and an insight that
this peace will not come unless all people are involved in working for
it. Peace is not an issue that can be handed over to the professional
military. It is a concern of all Sudanese and it must involve groups
of people from all levels of society.
Can this traditional way of reconciliation serve as an inspiration and
a model for other fighting groups as well? Can this work for healing
and peace be recognized and supported as a serious complement to the
official peace talks?
The Sudanese churches are also coming forward in a new and clearer
way, proclaiming the age-old Christian message of peace and
reconciliation, not only between God and mankind, but also between all
human beings. Will the international community see the importance of
their work and support them?
Women are making their voices heard as well. There is a new and bolder
awareness among them that they have a responsibility--and indeed a
right--to join the good forces working for peace. They are organizing
themselves, and by working together on humanitarian issues they have
shown in their own lives that they can bridge the gap between
different ethnic, political and religious origins. As they are coming
forward on the political arena they deserve to be taken seriously.
Indeed, this kind of work for peace and reconciliation could be
properly labelled "peace from within".
The Horn of Africa Bulletin, Vol. 6 No. 5 (Sep-Oct 94)
** D J I B O U T I **
President Hassan Gouled Aptidon's decree said they had been dismissed
for behaviour incompatible with their responsibilities as members of
the government. It gave no further explanation and made no mention of
their replacements.
Both ministers belong to the Afar ethnic group which supports rebels
who have been fighting in northern Djibouti for several years. They
were appointed when the government was formed after elections in
February.
** PEACE TALKS AND DIVIDED OPPOSITION **
PEACE TALKS PRESS ON
A REFUSAL FRONT IN PEACE NEGOTIATIONS
[ION editorial comment:] This group of refusniks to the negotiations
was denounced as "tired old embittered oppositionists" in a September
15 editorial in the government weekly La Nation, which on the other
hand praised the "political maturity" of FRUD leaders who are
negotiating with the government. The same editorial admitted the
existence of a group of politicians inside the government majority who
"do not believe in or do not wish to see a peace agreement" since they
"wish to seize the monopoly of this peace movement and are even ready
to reject it by pretending that they were not its originators"... The
newspaper's allegations therefore target members of the Djibouti
government who like the minister of justice Moumin Bahdon Farah and of
industry Ali Mahamade Houmed, have been excluded from current peace
discussions even though they had all pleaded in favor of moderation
towards rebel members of FRUD at a time when the government majority
wished only to fight.
DINI'S FACTION REAFFIRMS PURSUIT OF ARMED STRUGGLE
The Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD) made the
announcement in a statement received in the French capital at the
close of a six-day congress in a northern area of the tiny Red Sea
republic.
"Those attending the congress unanimously reaffirmed their
determination to pursue armed struggle until their political goals are
satisfied," the statement said.
The statement signed by FRUD vice president Mohamed Adoyta Youssouf,
said the group also chose a new executive committee led by Ahmed Dini
Ahmed, a former Djibouti prime minister.
It also appealed to the international community to pressure Djibouti
to begin talks aimed at a political settlement.
The group said it convened the new congress to clarify the political
situation in the east African nation.
FRUD was apparently referring to reconciliation talks begun last
summer by Djibouti President Hassan Gouled Aptidon with a FRUD
breakaway faction...
FRUD has denounced the talks as an attempt "to deceive national and
international opinion" and has said it backs only the "legal" FRUD
leadership headed by Ahmed Dini...
NEW FRUD EXECUTIVE BODY SUSPENDS OLD LEADERSHIP
In a communique copied to AFP and signed by FRUD Chairman Ali Mohamed
Daoud [name and position as received], the FRUD National Congress
stated that the two former executives were no longer qualified "to
speak on behalf of the FRUD or to commit it in any manner". This
"temporary disciplinary action" is expected to be formally endorsed at
a forthcoming FRUD congress, "the only organ competent to decide the
dismissal of an executive member", the communique added...
PRD SEES THINGS DARKLY
First, PRD wants to see the "signature of an immediate and definitive
cease-fire" between the belligerents (Djibouti government and Afar
rebels in Front pour la Restauration de l'Unite et de la Democratie).
Second, PRD is calling for concrete administrative and political
decentralization "which extends into the districts and constituencies
and even beyond". Finally, the party considers that "nothing positive
has appeared so far" during the nine months of negotiations between
the government and one faction of FRUD. Elabe indicated that he feared
a possible resumption of armed fighting and he called for "a real
dialogue" between the government and the country's established
opposition.
** FOREIGN RELATIONS **
BORDER POSTS REOPEN
Reopening the Galafi post is directly linked with a calm in the armed
conflict between the Djibouti government and members of Front pour la
Restauration de l'Unite et de la Democratie (FRUD), since political
negotiations are presently going on. The post on the Ethiopian
frontier had been closed for three years because of Djibouti's civil
war. However, reopening it sparks off another "war", that of the khat
imported from Ethiopia for Djibouti. Afar tribesmen who had used the
Galafi post, in western Djibouti, in 1991 to bring their illegal
consignments of khat (nicknamed "Scud" due to each packet's
missile-like shape, ION No 481) had been a serious competitor for the
state-backed Societe d'Importation du Khat (SOGIK) and a threat for
state revenues.
DJIBOUTI, ETHIOPIA ISSUE JOINT COMMUNIQUE
The two parties underscored the vital role being played by the
Ethio-Jibuti railway in linking the two countries and peoples. They
agreed to intensify their efforts to find means and ways of
rehabilitating the railway, restructuring the organization and
reinforcing security along the railway line. The two parties
underlined the need to reinforce their cooperation in the (?domain) of
telecommunication, particularly in the utilization of the transit
facilities available at Jibuti. The Ethiopian side assured its Jibuti
counterpart that it will take all necessary measures to increase its
use of the port of Jibuti...
PROFITABLE REFUGEES
DJIBOUTI "FAVORABLY CONSIDERING" DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH ISRAEL
US BUDGETARY AID REDUCED BY 50%
The Horn of Africa Bulletin, Vol. 6 No. 5 (Sep-Oct 94)
** E R I T R E A **
Massawa's misfortune
...During the long struggle for independence, Massawa was one of the
prizes over which the liberation movements and the central government
fought longest and hardest...
In 1990 the EPLF finally returned and captured the major part of
Massawa from the forces of the Ethiopian Derg, which then bombed the
city repeatedly for six months, from the landward outskirts by day and
from warships off the coast by night...
Destruction
At liberation, only a quarter of Massawa's original population was
left. The schools were all wrecked, and the largest hospital, with
1,000 beds, had been bombed out, along with many small clinics. For
20,000 citizens, there was only one bus, and not one public latrine.
The antiquated pipes (built during the Italian occupation) which carry
the city's water supply were losing half their content in leaks--and
the supply was already meagre following 10 years of drought. There
were no trucks to pick up the rubbish which choked the streets, and
the road surfaces had been pulverised by the Ethiopian army's tanks.
When the defeated army fled, it had taken all government and private
money out of the banks with it, leaving the city and its inhabitants
penniless.
Massawa re-born
One of those who returned to Massawa with the EPLF was the man who is
now its mayor, Musa Hussein Naib... Citizens' assemblies were
organised to mobilise people for cooperative work, and cleaning the
city up ultimately took several months. Working voluntarily and unpaid
in their free time, mechanics put up bus shelters and got a few
scrapped buses back into running order, so that people no longer had
to walk everywhere--a welcome relief in a climate where merciless sun
alternates with torrential rain.
Normalisation process
Unemployment was initially serious, but some traders and private
entrepreneurs, shops and restaurants, were able to start operating
shortly after liberation, and city hall kept on workers at state-owned
enterprises, teachers and civil servants.
Although Massawa has very rich fishing grounds, the Derg had forbidden
offshore fishing as an alleged threat to security, so work was started
to encourage fishermen back into their trade, with the Ministry of
Marine Resources helping them acquire or make nets and boats and
repair the ice factory.
As income began to be generated, the city continued with the next
(and, no doubt, less popular) stage of the normalisation process,
collecting taxes, and the technical ministries helped out with
supplies and equipment for public works. This meant that schools were
soon able to open again in partly repaired buildings, while the
doctors and nurses still in the city were all concentrated at a small,
undamaged hospital intended for 50 or 60 patients but by then
accomodating 600.
Power and water
The power supply system had been severely damaged. The city's three
generators were old and lacked spare parts, and all the supply lines
were down. After arduous restoration work and the installation of new
generators acquired with foreign aid, Massawa now has a capacity of
3000 Kw, a modest figure but enough to meet the existing demand from
domestic users and small-scale industries with a surplus left over for
the capital, Asmara.
To keep the city supplied with water, work started, even as the
Ethiopian bombardment continued, on digging a big underground
reservoir, by hand and usually at night to escape detection by
overflying bombers. This reservoir has had to be kept filled, however,
by trucking water in from outside. There is an ample source of fresh
water 60 km to the south which will be more reliable than the present
arrangement if the money to tap it can be found...
Steadily recovering
Massawa today is steadily recovering the appearance of a place of
human habitation but still displays the gaping scars of war--not just
wrecked buildings but large expanses of sandy wasteland where whole
streets used to be...
Massawa's port
There are reasons to be cheerful, however. The port is functioning
again, and the European Union had financed the construction of large
storage sheds on the quayside. At present most of the movements at the
docks involve the unloading of international food aid for Eritrea and
Ethiopia, but the independence agreement provides for unrestricted use
of the port by Eritrea's now landlocked neighbour, so, as and when
Ethiopia's trade picks up, Massawa can only benefit from the increased
business...
Mayor Musa Hussein Naib is proud that city hall, though poor, is now
financially self-sufficient and not a burden to central government.
How have he and his fellow citizens achieved this remarkable recovery?
"The spirit of the people here is very encouraging," he says. "We get
things done."...
REINTEGRATION OF SOLDIERS
At the end of the Eritro/Ethiopian war in 1991, the size of the
Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF) army approached to 95,000.
The end of the war had brought a relative peace and stability to the
region (the Horn of Africa)...
To keep such a large army in Eritrea thus has no economic or military
justification. The Eritrean Government is therefore determined to
reduce its combat force by 50-60%.
The main objective of the reintegration programme is to create
opportunities for the demobilized fighters to participate in the
economic reconstruction to make them self-supporting...
Phase I - demobilization of 26,000 fighters. These are those who
joined the liberation struggle in 1990 and subsequently up to the
total liberation of Eritrea. Payment was made at the time of
demobilization which ranges from 1000 to 5000 Birr for each combatant
depending on their service years. In addition, food ration for six
months was given and out of the 26,000 fighters demobilized in the
first phase, some 21,000 came forward to claim food ration.
It was assumed that ex-fighters demobilized in Phase I due to the
shorter period they have been away from the community, would find it
easier to reintegrate.
Phase II. Demobilization of about 22,000 fighters. These are fighters
who have been participated in struggle for a long period of time.
Their prolonged involvement has increased the possibility of
sustaining war injury and subsequent disability...
It is clear that reintegration of some 50,000 ex-combatants plus
10,000 dependants is a major undertaking. The total budget estimated
for the programme is amounting to 48 Million USD. The government has
made available (by borrowing from the bank) as initial disbursement
about 18 Million USD in Phase I and about 24 Million USD in Phase
II...
THE NATIONAL UNION OF ERITREAN WOMEN
In fact, at its Fourth Transitional Congress in September 1992, the
NUEWmn officially declared itself an indigenous Eritrean
Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) and therefore independent of the
Provisional Government of Eritrea (PGE) and the EPLF (since renamed
the People's Front for Democracy and Justice). The Fourth Congress
marked not only a physical rebirth for the NUEWmn as an autonomous
organization, but a renewed symbolic and philosophical commitment,
beyond war-time necessity, to the improvement of women's lives in
Eritrea.
The NUEWmn's Central Headquarters in Asmara is the locus for ten
provincial offices and numerous field workers across the country. With
roughly 200,000 Union members from all walks of life (including the
Eritrean Diaspora in Europe, the Middle East and North America), the
NUEWmn pursues gender equality on village, district, sub-regional and
provincial levels. Contesting the traditionally subordinate position
of women in Eritrean society, the NUEWmn works extensively at a
grassroots level to promote the establishment of women's fundamental
rights to land, political participation and influence over family and
marriage practices. Additionally, the NUEWmn strives to ensure women's
equal access to education, employment and skills development, as well
as health and child care services. Although most of these efforts are
staged at a rural level, the NUEWmn also lobbies persistently for
women's interests at a national level and forges international ties
with sympathetic organizations around the world.
Eritrea's period of post-war reconstruction presents a crucial
juncture in the lives of Eritrean women, as reactionary social
attitudes and customary laws frequently threaten to unravel women's
hard-fought progress...
Currently, the NUEWmn spearheads numerous such progressive projects.
The NUEWmn's literacy campaign, for example, targets the estimated
85-90% of Eritrean women who are functionally illiterate. Under the
logistical auspices of the Education Department of the NUEWmn the
literacy effort seeks to develop language skills which would in turn
foster business and management skills and aid women in pursuing
productive employment. The literacy programme for women in Barka and
Gash & Setit, for example, combines qualitative and quantitative
research to best gauge the needs of women and help the NUEWmn design
appropriate training structures.
The literacy campaign is complimented by vocational training programs
in the areas of tailoring and typing with future efforts to aim at
such non-traditional areas of work for women like carpentry, masonry,
electrical and plumbing service.
The NUEWmn's rural credit program in Barka and Gash & Setit stands out
as a bold pilot project geared toward providing women, many times
recently resettled refugees, with a sound economic support structure,
thereby opening opportunities not previously available to women in
Eritrea. Research and data collection on the women within these
provinces will provide a foundation for this project and will
eventually assist re-settled and de-mobilized women to develop a
strong economic base for themselves and their families...
THE THREAT OF FUNDAMENTALISM
In conversation, the head of the African Department in the Eritrean
foreign ministry emphasizes that Eritrea and Ethiopia together
constitute a major potential military threat to Sudan. Eritrea, he
says - in collaboration with Ethiopia, if necessary - will make short
shrift of militant Islam, which hopes to spread its faith by means of
threats and guns. Those who want to spread their faith with prayers,
on the other hand, have nothing to fear. This official denies the
existence of an indigenous Eritrean militant Islam. And the best way
to prevent it from springing up, he adds, is to keep politics and
religion strictly separate. "Egypt and Algeria fell into the trap they
themselves set, when they permitted [fundamentalists] to play any
political role at all," says the foreign ministry official.
The mufti of the Eritrean Republic (the country's highest Islamic
dignitary), Sheik Al-Amin Osman, supports the separation of religion
and state. The government must remain secular, he insists, in order to
represent both major religious communities fairly. Eritrea's
Christians and Muslims, who today each comprise about half the
population, have lived together in peace since the 14th century,
declares the sheik. Problems have arisen only when outside powers have
played the two communities against one another and aroused them to
hostility.
But in private other words are spoken about the danger of militant
Islam here. Fundamentalism is gaining support especially in the Koran
schools, it is said. Particularly in the Keren region, observers say,
there is fertile ground for fundamentalist theories, since the city of
Keren has a long tradition of strict orthodox belief. It was also the
birthplace of the Eritrean Liberation Front, which began the country's
struggle for independence but later, after a failed punitive
expedition against the EPLF which had split off from it, was beaten by
it militarily and forced from the political arena. But among the tens
of thousands of refugees who still live in Sudanese camps near the
Eritrean border, the ELF still enjoys some support, and those camps
are a fertile recruiting ground for Islamist troublemakers.
The Eritrean leadership is trying to prevent young Muslims from
becoming alienated from the youthful state by insuring that Muslims
are represented in the highest levels of government. One Western
diplomat regards economic development in predominantly Muslim areas -
the western lowlands and the eastern coastal strip - as a key to
blocking the Islamists' potential for troublemaking...
ERRA, A PARASTATAL ORGANIZATION
During this transitional period, the mandate vested to ERRA is the
co-ordination of NGO's activities, the planning & distribution of
relief supplies and also acts in rehabilitation and development as a
link between donor agencies and the implementing ministries and
departments of the Government of Eritrea. It is a parastatal
organization with high degree of autonomy...
POLITICAL ROLE OUTSIDE EPLF WON'T BE TOLERATED
Al-Amin Muhammad Saeed, secretary-general of the EPLF said the front
is committed to political pluralism and will not seek to establish an
"authoritarian regime" dominated by one faction.
"This is not a passing whim or an attempt from our side to absorb
certain (considerations) but it is a matter that has been decided by
the EPLF second conference in 1987 and reaffirmed during this year's
conference. The political future has to be worked out after the
country's first constitution was approved," Saeed told Arab News in an
interview...
Speaking while on a short visit to Jeddah last week, Saeed said there
is no room at this transitional period for political rivalries.
Conflicts and bickering that dominated the activities of various
Eritrean organizations in the past will not be allowed to resurface,
he said.
Saeed met with members of the Eritrean community in the Kingdom to
apprise them of the political situation and future prospects for
rebuilding the country shattered by three decades of war.
"We have now moved from the stage of the revolution to that of
building a modern state. We want the efforts of every Eritrean at this
phase but this should be done with the sole objective of serving the
motherland. The door is open before all to join in this process."
Asked on what basis would those outside the Front be allowed to take
part in the political process, Saeed said they can join on individual
basis and not as representatives of political groups or
organizations...
ERITREA TO PRODUCE HALF ITS FOOD NEEDS
The Eritrean Profile quoting the country's Early Warning and Food
Information System said imports and expected food aid next year would
only be around 90,000 tonnes, leaving a huge deficit.
In a country of three million, the publication said up to one million
people will depend on food handouts in 1995.
** REGIONAL RELATIONS **
SUDAN WINS ACCORD ON REPATRIATION OF ERITREANS
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, which will be
involved in the repatriation, was party to the accord, the Sudan News
Agency reported.
The agency on Friday quoted Sudan's refugee commissioner Ihsan
al-Gabshawi as saying the repatriation would start this month and end
in December.
There are about one million refugees in Sudan, about a half of them
from Eritrea. Many of the Eritreans have been staying in Sudan for
more than 25 years after fleeing their homeland mainly because of the
former Ethiopian province's prolonged secessionist war with forces of
the Addis Ababa government...
ERITREAN PRESIDENT ON VISIT TO KUWAIT
The Minister of Emiri Court Affairs Shaykh Nasir Muhammad al-Ahmad
said that the talks concentrated on the development of bilateral
relations between the two friendly countries and the means to
consolidate them in the different spheres. The talks also dealt with
the totality of the situation in the Horn of Africa...
SAUDI BUSINESSMEN'S DELEGATION TO VISIT ASMARA IN OCTOBER
Saudi investors, Beyene said, are "more than willing" to contribute to
the newly independent country's reconstruction, rehabilitation and
development efforts.
They already have invested in fisheries, industry and tourism sectors,
he said.
But the forthcoming assorted mission organised by Federation of
Chambers of Commerce and Industry will boost further the Saudi share
of investment in the young state.
Eritrea was looking forward to striking a joint economic co-operation
agreement with the Kingdom, he said.
With Ethiopia, he said, the creation of a free trade zone was under
"active consideration."...
The Horn of Africa Bulletin, Vol. 6 No. 5 (Sep-Oct 94)
** E T H I O P I A **
ELECTIONS HELD IN SOMALI REGION
ETHIOPIA'S ASSEMBLY TO DISCUSS DRAFT CONSTITUTION
The 548-strong assembly was elected in June and is mandated to approve
a new constitution following the overthrow of the Marxist military
dictatorship of Mengistu Haile Mariam in 1991...
Opposition groups ranged against the EPRDF are boycotting the
assembly, saying it does not reflect the wishes and interests of the
people.
Among main points to be discussed are the right of self-determination
for Ethiopia's different regions and ethnic groups, and land
ownership.
The present government favours self-determination and would like land
ownership to remain a prerogative of government.
Opposition groups say self-determination would destroy Ethiopia's
unity and lead to chaos in Africa's most ancient nation. They also
favour private ownership of land.
ETHIOPIA MAY HOLD ELECTIONS IN FEBRUARY
But Meles said it was up to the country's constituent assembly to fix
dates for the polls...
The president said his government has conducted direct and indirect
discussions with different opposition groups urging them to
participate in the multi-party election.
"The government strongly feels that their (opposition groups)
participation is useful in strengethening the democratisation
process," he said.
"They will not achieve anything by refusing to take part," he added.
Opposition groups had boycotted polls for the constituent assembly
last June in protest against government proposals for local autonomy
saying they feared this could destroy Ethiopian unity.
** OPPOSITION **
JIMMY CARTER GOES EAST TO ADDIS
ETHIOPIAN OPPOSITION THREATENS TO BOYCOTT ELECTION
Beyene Petros, President of the Council of Alternative Forces for
Peace and Democracy in Ethiopia (CAFPDE) told a news conference on
Saturday the transitional government led by the Ethiopian People's
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPDRF) was heading towards "absolute
dictatorship."...
POLICE REPORTEDLY ARREST 500 OPPOSITION SUPPORTERS AFTER DEMONSTRATION
ALL-AMHARA PEOPLE'S ORGANIZATION SUPPORTERS FREED FROM CUSTODY
The bureau said the cases of the rest of individuals detained on
similar charges were under investigation. He said that the detainees
had illegally gathered in the premises of the Central High Court
disturbing proceedings against [the AAPO] president, Prof Asrat
Woldeyes, and other members of the organization, broke the windscreen
of a police van and injured two policemen.
Seventeen of the 500 prisoners had earlier been released as they
pleaded not guilty. The bureau said legal proceedings against the
released and those still in prison had been deferred.
** HUMAN RIGHTS **
ARRESTS OF MEMBERS OF SIDAMA LIBERATION MOVEMENT
Acting Vice-Chairman of the SLM, Lemma Sidamo, was arrested by
soldiers at his home in Addis Ababa on 22 September 1994. The precise
grounds for his arrest are not known. He has not been taken to court
within the prescribed 48-hour limit, when prisoners must be either
charged, remanded in court for investigation into a suspected criminal
offence, or released...
In August 1994 the government accused the SLM of having an armed group
in the south linked to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), which the SLM
has denied. Up to 300 SLM members and supporters, including the two
other SLM officials named above - Getu Tenite and Daniso Borsama -
were arrested in Awassa on 16 August 1994 and are currently detained
in Awassa and Yirgalem without charge or trial.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
The SLM opposition party draws its members from the Sidama ethnic
group in the south. It previously belonged to the Council of
Representatives (parliament) until it was expelled in 1993 for
attending a conference of opposition exiles in Paris. The SLM is a
member of the Southern Coalition opposition grouping...
ARRESTS IN AMBO AND GUDER
Between 7 and 14 September 1994 those listed above were detained in
the towns of Ambo and Guder (west of Addis Ababa), following the
funeral on 6 September of a local man who may have been the victim of
an extrajudicial execution. In total over 70 people are believed to
have been detained and arrests are reported to be continuing...
Most of those named above attended the Ethiopian Orthodox Church
funeral in Ambo of Derara Kefana, an elderly businessman there (owner
of a hotel). Reports indicate that he was shot and killed near his
home by soldiers on 3 September after being told to raise his hands to
surrender. At the funeral, several people criticised the killing and
called for those responsible to be brought to justice. Although full
details of the shooting are not yet clear, it seems that Derara Kefana
did not resist arrrest. His body was taken to a hospital in Addis
Ababa for a post-mortem examination but there has been no inquest yet.
The majority of the detainees are being held incommunicado in Ambo and
Guder police stations, where some have allegedly been beaten. They
reportedly went on hunger-strike for some days. None of the detainees
has been brought to court or charged, although the law requires that
they be brought to court within 48 hours and either charged or
remanded for investigation in connection with a specific offence, or
released...
"DISAPPEARANCES" IN HARAR
Mustafa Idris' sister, Fatuma Idris, has also "disappeared". It is
feared she was abducted by security officers on 30 July 1994 in Harar
city in eastern Ethiopia, where she lives with her husband and their
several children. She had reportedly been privately outspoken about
her brother's "disappearance". One report suggests she might be
secretly held in a military camp in Garamuleta, a small town west of
Harar...
MEMBERS OF ONLF "DISAPPEARED"
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
The ONLF won the regional assembly elections in 1993 and led the
regional administration in Region Five. In 1994 ONLF demands for a
referendum on independence for the region led to a major dispute with
the central government and to the removal of pro-independence ONLF
regional assembly members.
** DEVELOPMENT AND THE ECONOMY **
[Amanuel - recording] ...The draft budget for 1987 exceeds the 1986
[1993-94] budget, which totalled 8,400m birr, by over 18.4%. Of the
budget's total, 5,369m birr will be current expenditure, while the
remaining 4,590m birr will be spent on development...
The central government will be allocated 3,300m birr or 61.5% of the
recurrent budget, while the regions will receive 2,060m birr or 38.5%.
The share of the regions during the fiscal year is relatively lower
only because it was decided that certain administrative and general
service expenditure, including defence, be covered by the central
government. Conversely, of the 1,750m birr budgeted for economic and
social services, the regions will receive 1,300m birr or 70%, showing
that the regions were given great attention...
Budget allocations to economic sectors: as for the agricultural and
natural resources sectors, being the backbone of the economy, will
receive 22.3%, while the roads, transport communications, energy,
education and health sectors, which have a great bearing on the
expansion of basic development infrastructures, will receive 53.2%...
IMF APPROVAL
The report says the IMF has re-valued Ethiopia's economic growth rate
for fiscal 1992-1993 at +12.3 percent (compared with the +7.6 percent
figure forecast last year) but in what appears to be the only
discordant note, has noted a collapse in this growth rate for Fiscal
1993-1994 to no more than 1.2 percent (much less than the modest
forecast of +2.2 percent). This poor result appears principally to be
due to a decline of growth in the agricultural sector (-5.3 percent)
following a drought which hit the cereals harvest. IMF statistics
showing an annual increase in Ethiopia's cost of living of no more
than 1.2 percent are, however, somewhat surprising. After being
expected to stabilize somewhere [between] 10 percent and 15 percent
annually and head of state Meles Zenawi's forecast at the beginning of
September that the annual rate was about 10 percent, IMF apparently
claims that inflation was virtually zero from July 1993 to June 1994.
Yet on the ground, many prices continue to show sharp rises: telephone
and facsimile charges have risen by 75 percent, the price of
cigarettes has risen from 7 birr a packet to 9 birr, and sugar is sold
by the state to "worthy citizens" living in Addis Ababa kebeles at 2.2
birr a kilo but at 8 birr to other residents of Addis at the market
price...
PRESIDENT DEFENDS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME
"It was imperative to implement the structural adjustment programme to
uplift an economy bankrupted by years of civil war and wrong
policies," Meles told a news conference in Addis Ababa on Friday
evening.
Marxist policies of deposed dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam bankrupted
Ethiopia and destroyed agricultural production causing huge food
shortages exacerbated by drought.
Liberal economic policies implemented by the transitional government
since 1992 have helped to revive the economy, which registered 7.5
percent growth in 1993.
Meles rejected allegations that the programme was imposed upon
Ethiopia by the International Monetary Fund and World Bank.
"We introduced the structural adjustment programme because we believed
it was the only viable programme to uplift the ailing economy," he
added.
The independent Confederation of Ethiopian Trade Unions has criticized
the programme saying it meant a "massive retrenchment" of workers.
Meles also said the devaluation of the birr currency from 2.07 to five
to the U.S. dollar had enouraged peasant farmers to produce more cash
crops, like coffee and oil seeds.
"Because of the devaluation, Ethiopia was able to earn more foreign
currency from its export commodities - which helps the country to
implement its development programme," he said...
OIL EXPLORATION
[ION editorial comment:] The Ethiopian government is trying to develop
all forms of energy (and in priority, hydroelectric energy) in order
to cut back its energy bill, which represents 28 percent of the cost
of Ethiopian imports...
ETHIOPIA EARNS 23M DOLLARS FROM TOURISM INDUSTRY
Speaking at the on-going annual meeting of Ethiopian ambassadors,
Commissioner Rezene said 93,000 foreign tourists have visited the
country in one year. He described the flow of visitors as an all time
high in Ethiopia's tourism history. He said most of the tourists came
from the United States and European countries...
** DEVELOPMENT AID **
ETHIOPIA TO RECEIVE 1.1BN DOLLARS IN LOANS AND GRANTS IN 1994/95.
(SWB 30 Aug 94 [VOEE in English, 25 Aug 94])
Ethiopia is to receive 1,100m dollars in loans and grants in 1994/95
fiscal year from donors and creditor nations in support of its various
development activities. In a briefing to the annual meeting of
Ethiopian ambassadors, Mr Israel Kidane Mariam, vice-minister of
external economic cooperation, said member countries of the Paris
Club, the IMF and the World Bank pledged to give the amount to the
country following the consultative meeting in Paris early in March.
He said 655.9m dollars of the loans and grants will be used for
undertaking various development projects and 494.8m dollars for
supporting Ethiopia's balance of payments and 3.6m dollars for
technical support. Mr Israel said close to 200m dollars of Ethiopia's
debt to the Paris Club nations had been cancelled, while an equivalent
amount of debt was rescheduled.
DEVELOPMENT AID AGREEMENT SIGNED WITH NCA
ADDIS ABABA--The Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental
Protection, the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (RRC) and the
Norwegian Church Aid signed yesterday a 12.8 million birr aid
agreement at the headquarters of the Commission.
According to the agreement the Norwegian Church Aid will undertake
water wells and spring development projects, maintenance and
reconstruction activites in North Omo and Bale zones besides the
training of local people in various technical skills...
BRITAIN GRANTS AID FOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
The British government has given Ethiopia aid worth 48m birr [about 8m
dollars] which will be used to assist Ethiopia's economic development
programme. The agreement was signed today by Finance Minister
Alemayehu Daba and the British ambassador to Ethiopia, Mr Robin
Christopher. The aid given to Ethiopia this year by the British
government, including today's allocation, is expected to reach 91m
birr [about 18m dollars].
CANADIAN OFFICIAL PLEDGES AID
Mrs Christine Stewart, Canadian secretary of state for Latin America
and Africa, announced her country's contribution to Ethiopia of a
total of over 150,000 dollars from the Fund for Democracy and
Development, in addition to the 54m-dollars grant in food aid.
Briefing reporters after concluding her visit to Ethiopia, the
Canadian official said 86,515 dollars would be channelled to the
Special Prosecutor's Office and 68,500 to the Public Defender's Office
for putting war criminals on trial...
AID AGREEMENT WORTH 7.6M DOLLARS SIGNED WITH JAPAN
An aid agreement providing for over 7.6m US dollars was signed here in
Addis Ababa today between the governments of Ethiopia and Japan at the
Ministry of External Economic Cooperation, MEC. Most of the money will
be used for small-scale irrigation development activities in Ethiopia,
and the balance for the country's state relief services.
The agreement was signed by MEC Minister Dr Abd al-Majid Husayn and
Japanese Ambassador Yasuhiro Hamada [phonetic]. Ambassador Hamada said
on the occasion that his government will give relief food assistance
and an aid that would help Ethiopia increase its food production in
the near future. He also assured the ministry that the government of
Japan would enhance its efforts to develop and expand cooperation
between the two countries.
AGREEMENTS WORTH 31.7M DOLLARS SIGNED WITH UNDP; FURTHER 54.3M DOLLARS TO COME
Addis Ababa: Two programmes of assistance totalling 31.7m US dollars
were signed in Addis Ababa [on] Saturday [10th September] between the
government and the UNDP, reports PANA.
The first programme, amounting to 17.5m dollars, will be used to
support a sustained management of the environment and natural
resources. The country will attempt to do so by reducing land
degradation by protecting the environment, creating employment and
generating foreign exchange. It aims to use Ethiopia's natural
resources in a sustainable manner.
In the second programme, amounting to 14.2m dollars, Ethiopia is
trying to increase access to health, education and training,
appropriate science and technology.
The UNDP has earmarked 86m dollars for Ethiopia's fifth country
programme for 1993-97. The remaining four programmes will be finalized
and signed between the Ethiopian government and UNDP in the near
future.
AID AGREEMENTS SIGNED WITH USA AND GERMANY
The government of Ethiopia and the Federal Republic of Germany today
signed a 8.6m-dollar financial and technical aid agreement. The USA
has also pledged 6m dollars'worth of aid for the democratization
process taking place in Ethiopia...
AID AGREEMENT WITH ITALY PROVIDES 19.2M-DOLLAR IMPORT CREDIT
The governments of Italy and of Ethiopia have signed an aid agreement
providing for the development of private industries. The 19.2m dollars
secured from the government of Italy in aid will be used to purchase
and import processing machinery, raw materials and spare parts from
Italy. The Ministry of Industry has said beneficiaries of the grant
will be entrepreneurs who wish to establish new and replace old
industrial plants. The ministry added that two-thirds of the
assistance would go to entrepreneurs and the balance to state-owned
industrial firms. The ministry said only licensed entrepreneurs with
certificates from the National Investment Office would be able to take
full advantage of industrial machinery yet to be imported.
** FOOD SECURITY **
CENSUS TO SET STAGE FOR DEVELOPMENT
A nationwide population and housing census kicks off Tuesday to
determine the size and social needs of the poverty-ridden Horn of
Africa country. The exercise is scheduled to last 10 days...
Currently, Ethiopia's population is estimated at around 55 million,
with nearly half of the figure aged below 16.
But the pattern of Ethiopia's population distribution, says a recent
study by the U.N. Children's Fund (UNICEF), is uneven and not matched
with the distribution of resources...
The problems that confound development in Ethiopia are those that
confront all sub-Saharan countries: burgeoning demand for basic social
services, high infant and maternal mortality, and a depressed economy.
Rural privation in Ethiopia yearly drives thousands of people to dirty
and overcrowded city slums, adding to the tide of crime and insecurity
in urban centres...
URGENT ACTION NEEDED IN FOOD SECURITY MANAGEMENT
LONDON - ...[Ethiopia] is once more on the brink of a food crisis,
according to a new report by the British charity Christian Aid...
The reasons are varied and so complex they appear unsurmountable, but
Chris Robinson, author of the report claims there is still a chance to
manage food security so that the country has a less hungry future.
"Ten years after the famine and three years after the end of its civil
war, half of Ethiopia's 55 million people still don't have enough
food," he said, adding that the key to solving the problem lies in
"more investment in agriculture and better planned food aid".
Ethiopia needs an extra 320,000 tonnes of food every year to maintain
its population, which grows annually by two million...
Domestic food production needs to increase by almost six percent every
year until 2000 if the country is not to become more dependent on food
aid. And that would still only keep people fed at the low level of
nutrition most can scrape together, the report says.
The transitional government, which took over from the previous
communist regime in 1991, is committed to a market-based economy, an
emphasis on peasant farming, and reducing poverty.
It has set in place an agricultural development strategy and a five
year programme, aid for which will be coordinated by the United
Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the Food and Agriculture
Organisation (FAO).
Robinson, who is Christian Aid's European Union (EU) officer, is
convinced that major investment is needed if balanced support is to be
given to farmers in both high and low potential growing areas.
So far donors have pledged only 48 per cent of the programme's 1.2
billion dollar five-year budget, partly because they feel the
government's pace towards privatisation is too slow.
Such cautiousness could end up costing them more. The report claims
that funding basic inputs like seeds, tools and livestock, investing
in an infrastructure that would boost capacity and in credit schemes,
may in the long run be cheaper than the annual 300 million dollar bill
for food aid.
Agriculture contributes about 91 per cent of the national food supply,
yet both its crop and livestock yields per hectare are among the
lowest in the world.
"The international community has a choice," says Robinson. "It can
take a business-as-usual, arms-folded approach to Ethiopia; or it can
show real understanding on the constraints of food security and a
determination not to let cracks in the consensus slow things down."
Whether to increase the area cultivated, or to boost yield per hectare
is just one of many questions on which donors and the government must
agree. On a far larger scale is the issue of the World Bank-sponsored
Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP).
Although it is early days, non-governmental organisations say
Ethiopia's SAP has avoided the damage caused to food security in other
countries, where government's have been pushed to cut subsidies on
agriculture, force open markets to cheap food imports, and switch
production from food crops to export crops...
Paradoxically the bumper harvest of 1992 led directly to this year's
food crisis. With the abundance of home-grown food, donors cut back
their food aid for 1993, leaving stocks used to supplement deliveries
in the first quarter of 1994 at a low level. When in April it was
realised that the harvest would fail, food donors suddenly had to
revise upwards their tonnage.
There were fears that later deliveries would not be enough. In the
end, due to speedy action by donors and government, the crisis was
contained, but it left the realisation that scheduling could be a lot
better.
To avoid a recurrence Robinson says that food aid donors should decide
each summer on a minimum delivery of about 500,000 tonnes to arrive
early the following year. The United States Agency for International
Development (USAID) has already moved in this direction by
pre-programming a delivery to arrive next January.
Roger Naumann, a senior representative of another British aid agency,
Oxfam, thinks Christian Aid has hit the nail on the head. "The main
objection would be that the pre-programmed food might not be needed,
but this would almost never be the case as the country's food deficit
in a good year is between 500,000 to 600,000 tonnes."
At present, the first food aid of the year often arrives in March. The
revised schedule would ensure the food reaches Ethiopia at the
beginning of the year and builds up until May, covering the dry period
when farmers are available for the food-for-work schemes and need the
rations.
"If the food is made available to farmers, they can put energy into
terracing, reforestation and other activities that in the long term
will boost the quality of land available for agriculture," Naumann
says.
The Christian Aid report also urges donors to provide the government
with another anti-famine weapon in the form of a fund of foreign
exchange to rapidly buy food imports...
TWO AGREEMENTS FOR ADDITIONAL FUNDS SIGNED WITH USA
Two amendment agreements were signed yesterday between the governments
of Ethiopia and the USA. According to a press release the first
amendment agreement provides for 2m dollars, in addition to the 4.2m
[dollars] agreed in 1994, for the purchase of 143,000 metric tonnes
[t] of wheat and 70,000 t of sorghum to be added to the food reserve
of the Relief and Rehabilitation Commission. The second amended
agreement (?replaces) the final tranche of (?the) assessor for the
development of competitive market programme, for a total of 66.5m
dollars...
JAPAN TO GIVE 1.5B YEN GRANT TO ETHIOPIA
Tokyo--Japan will provide up to 1.5 billion yen in grant aid to
Ethiopia to support its efforts to increase food supplies, the
government announced Friday.
A maximum 850 million yen is earmarked for a project to increase food
production, while up to 650 million yen will be used to purchase
provisions.
Notes on the aid were exchanged in the Ethiopian capital of Addis
Ababa the same day.
** NATURAL DISASTERS **
FLOODING
(SWB 23 Aug 94 [VOE in Amharic, 19 Aug 94])
Heavy rains in Fogera district of southern Gonder [in Region Three,
northern Ethiopia] last week destroyed crops growing on 7,770 ha of
farmland...
(SWB 30 Aug 94 [VOE in Amharic, 28 Aug 94])
(Reuter 28 Aug 94)
Addis regional president Tefera Walewa asked local and international
donor organisations to provide assistance.
VOLCANO ERUPTS IN SOUTHWEST
ADDIS ABABA - A volcano erupted near the southwest Ethiopian town of
Harto Burkito last week and was still active on Monday, the Ethiopian
News Agency said.
The eruption damaged houses, leaving about 100 people homeless, and
destroyed many crops.
The agency gave no name for the volcano. It said this was the first
time one had erupted in the Horn of Africa country.
** PRESIDENT MELES IN THE USA **
THUMBS-UP FROM WASHINGTON
Ethiopian head of state Meles Zenawi returned to Addis Ababa on August
17 following a six-day official visit to the United States during
which he met with the US president, Bill Clinton...
[ION editorial comment:] A few weeks before president Zenawi's
official visit to Washington, the US assistant secretary of state for
African affairs George Moose and his predecessor in that post Herman
Cohen presented their points of view to the House Foreign Affairs
Sub-committee on Africa. Referring to Ethiopia's elections for a
constituent assembly of June 5, George Moose said that "neither
exclusionary attitudes by those in power nor boycotts by those in
opposition serve the cause of democratization". What the US government
would like to see, the official said, is "a greater dialogue between
the government and opposition on Ethiopia's future". The point should
be to "bring boycotting groups back into the political process", he
said, referring to the decision by opposition political parties to
boycott the national elections on June 5. Former assistant secretary
of state Cohen's testimony was more favourable for the Ethiopian
authorities. But he too criticized the electoral boycott, saying that
"boycotts and organizing for violence are not what Ethiopia needs
right now". Turning to the issue of war crimes trials, which the
transitional government of Ethiopia wants to begin, Cohen said that he
was now convinced that the Dergue (former military government) led by
lieutenant-colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam was "in a category for which
amnesty cannot be justified". Meanwhile, US Agency for International
Development (USAID) deputy administrator John Hicks told the same
House subcommittee that the United States has "maintained our aid and
not increased it" because of US government concern for Ethiopia's
progress on human rights.
/HAB/ See HAB 4/94, "Foreign relations" section under Ethiopia.
MELES: I GO BACK COMPLETELY SATISFIED WITH MY VISIT
Question: Let's begin with your meeting with Clinton. It is like this
is the first time in 21 years that a President from your country has
come to the US. You came to power three years ago promising democracy.
What was it that you will be discussing with President Clinton?
Meles: I came here to discuss with the President both bilateral issues
and the Horn of Africa initiative of the President. The "Great Horn",
as it is defined by USAID, includes Rwanda, Burundi, Ethiopia, Kenya
and all the region.
Question: You have talked about the role that the US has to take, as
you said, a more pro-active role in preventing disaster... What can
the US do to prevent those disasters?
Meles: Well the first thing that needs to be done is to understand
what the root causes of the disasters occurring in Africa are. Once
people really understand what the problem is, then people can take
preventive measures. The process so far has been to try to put out
fires once they erupt. The Horn of Africa initiative of the President,
I think, is a welcome departure from that. He took this initiative to
prevent the types of hunger, death and disaster that we saw in 1984 in
Ethiopia. We have been able to prevent such a recurrence of death
partly because of this initiative.
Question: ...Do you think that Ethiopia is stabilized and that the
people are no longer starving?
Meles: Yes, our country has stabilized and I can say people are no
longer starving in that sense. I do not mean that people have enough
to eat. That is not the case. But people are not starving to death
now.
Question: Are you seeking more U.S. dollars?...
Meles: No, that's not why I came here; I came here to plead for a more
pro-active approach to helping us resolve our problems and I've got
that promise.
Question: This visit really marks a new opening in relations between
the U.S. and Ethiopia with your new government being in power and the
promise of democracy, and reportedly, the Clinton administration urged
your administration to promote the rule of law. What is your response
to this?
Meles: There is no difference in principle between the U.S. on this
issue. It is a question of the pace of the changes. There are concerns
about the human rights in our country. This involves, among other
things, the fact that we have about 400 former officials in prison.
They are yet being tried. Since three years they have been in prison,
we share that belief that "justice delayed is justice denied". But, we
are dealing with war criminals, with people involved in human rights
abuses and we recognize that even the West, with all the backing of
the institutions that it had after the Second World War, needed a
rather long time to try the Nazi criminals as it is taking us now.
Question: Your critics also were concerned about the elections coming
up, to have international monitors. Is that something that you have
promised?
Meles: We have always welcomed international observers.
Question: So that will happen also?
Meles: Yes.
Question: Your critics also accuse you of promoting ethnic division.
What is happening between the different ethnic groups in your country?
Meles: Sometimes, people in Africa feel that they can wish away ethnic
differences. Experience in Rwanda has taught us that this is not the
case; experience in Liberia has taught us this is not the case. What
we are trying to do in Ethiopia is to recognize that ethnic
differences are part of life in Africa, part of political life in
Africa, and try to deal with them in a rational manner, rather than
hide that there are ethnic differences. We are saying that people
should express it freely. In that way, I think, one can avoid a
situation that we saw in Rwanda.
Question: ...What do you hope to take back with you?
Meles: I hope to take back a committment on the part of the U.S., a
commitment to persevere in assisting us to solve our problems and a
commitment to take a pro-active approach in dealing with our problems.
I have that commitment. I am going back completely satisfied with my
visit.
** REFUGEES **
OVER 160,000 SOMALI REFUGEES SHELTERED IN ETHIOPIA
ARRA said the figure was known following a Somali refugee census
conducted on September 5, by a group comprising members of ARRA,
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) African liaison
office, defence force and donor organizations in the presence of
international observers...
MORE THAN 500 REFUGEES REPATRIATED FROM JIBUTI, 10,000 MORE READY TO FOLLOW
** HUMANITARIAN ISSUES **
CONSULTATION ON PEACE MAKING IN AFRICA
AFRICA SHOULD FOCUS ON PREVENTIVE MEASURES
Speaking at the opening conference organized by International Alert
[and the Ad Hoc Peace Committee] on the Challenge for Peace Making in
Africa: Conflict Prevention and Resolution, the minister said unless
Africa and its friends focus not only on the preventive diplomacy but
also on preventative measures in the economic and social areas, it
would be difficult to reverse the process of decline whose major
manifestation are conflicts currently raging on the continent...
ETHIOPIA'S LUTHERAN CHURCH RESOLVES TO EMPOWER WOMEN
The debate to involve women, who constitute 52 percent of the EECMY
membership, has been going on for the past 30 years but without any
progress, with the church giving little or no attention to the matter,
the APS observed. The women's desks in the church were previously
attached to the other departments and had no forum within the church
to make independent decisions. With this new development, said EECMY
communications coordinator Shiburu Galla, the church will give women
the possibility to independently decide on matter concerning church
and society. They will, however, be answerable to the general
secretary's office...
The church is discussing the ordination of women, but has yet to reach
a conclusion...
The Horn of Africa Bulletin, Vol. 6 No. 5 (Sep-Oct 94)
** S O M A L I A **
** UN AND SOMALIA **
REPORT BY THE SECRETARY-GENERAL CONCERNING THE SITUATION IN SOMALIA AND CRITIQUE BY SOMALIA TASK
FORCE
/HAB/ Due to space limitations, we have combined excerpts from the UN
report of 17 September with the Somalia Task Force's critique.
Although the STF's critique quotes the UN report extensively, we have
chosen to reprint even more of the UN report. Each section of the UN
report is prefaced by "UN:"; all UN text is in quotes. Each section of
the critique prefaced by "STF:".
STF: The Somalia Task Force is an independent policy discussion group
composed of academic specialists and representatives of NGOs, as well
as observers from U.S. and U.N. agencies. It serves as a forum for
interaction between research specialists and practitioners in Somalia,
in order to generate policy proposals that best serve the long-term
interests of the Somali people. The following is one of a series of
planned critiques and discussion papers regarding the present and
future role of the international community in Somalia.
Introduction
The report on Somalia issued by the Secretary-General to the Security
Council on September 17, 1994 (S/1994/1068) comes at a critical moment
in U.N. policy toward Somalia, as the Security Council deliberates on
the future mandate of UNOSOM (United Nations Operation in Somalia).
The document in question is the first of a two-part report. Part one
is intended to give "a factual account of recent developments in
Somalia;" part two, to be submitted in mid-October, will provide
recommendations for the Security Council, based in large part on the
results of the visit to Somalia undertaken from September 15-19 by Mr.
Kofi Annan, the Under-Secretary-General for Peace-Keeping Operations.
Disturbingly, the September 17 report to the Security Council contains
some inaccurate and misleading analyses of the situation on the ground
in Somalia. While distortions in earlier UN reporting on Somalia have
been cause for concern, the inaccuracies in the section "Political
Developments" of the most recent report are especially egregious and
require clarification. In the critique which follows, the Somalia Task
Force attempts to correct some of the most serious misreadings
contained in the Secretary-General's report.
We also raise more general concerns about the need for honest,
depoliticized, and accurate reporting by the UN administration to its
member- states. The criticism we level at the reporting of the UN
Secretariat is intended to be constructive, based on our collective
desire to see the UN function more effectively, in Somalia and
elsewhere. To be effective as it takes on new and complex challenges,
the organization must, at a minimum, build and maintain a reputation
for truthful and transparent reporting.
T he Making of a Secretary-General's Report
Routinely, the Security Council requests of the office of the
Secretary-General progress reports on the growing number of U.N.
peacekeeping missions. The report is generally due one month prior to
the Security Council's decision to renew the mandate of the mission in
question - usually once every six months. The Secretary-General's
report carries both a factual account and analysis of the situation
and a set of recommendations regarding the mandate of the peace
operation. While key member-states lobby for their own proposals
during the drafting of the report, the UN Secretariat clearly is able
to protect its own organizational interests as well. Once the final
report is submitted, it is unusual for the Security Council to deviate
significantly from the recommendations made by the Secretary-General.
The Secretary-General's report is, therefore, of considerable
importance.
In the case of Somalia and UNOSOM, the first drafts of the
Secretary-General's many progress reports to the Security Council have
been written by UN officials in Mogadishu. Though the document
reflects continuous dialogue with New York, the officials in Mogadishu
have considerable influence in shaping both the analysis of the
current situation and the recommendations submitted for the Security
Council's consideration. Yet the officials in Mogadishu also have the
strongest personal and organizational interests to protect the mission
from criticism, budget reductions, and premature closure. As a result,
UNOSOM officials have been tempted to cleanse reports of unpleasant
realities facing the mission. It is likely that this dynamic affects
the reporting practices of other UN field operations as well. For a
number of reasons outlined below, it is a corrupting and potentially
dangerous practice.
UN: "II. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS
3. ...[The] Council will recall that, in my previous report
(S/1994/977), I expressed agreement with the assessment of my Special
Representative that conflicts within the Hawiye clan constituted the
major obstacle to national reconciliation and that the successful
conclusion of a Hawiye peace conference would greatly facilitate the
national reconciliation process."
STF: In reality, top UNOSOM officials in Mogadishu have acknowledged
in interviews that they never believed that a pan-Hawiye peace
conference was possible in the short-term. Moreover, virtually no one
in New York, either in the Secretariat or among Security Council
member-states, believed it either, as UN officials admit. Throughout
the summer and into September of 1994, heavy intra- Hawiye clashes
occurred outside the walls of UNOSOM in south Mogadishu, making the
proposition that a Hawiye reconciliation was within grasp seem
unlikely. Yet that was the premise on which UNOSOM sought, and
secured, justification for the renewal of its mandate.
UN: "4. Since my last report, my Special Representative has been
engaged in intensive consultations with Mr. Ali Mahdi, General Aidid
and the Imam of Hirab, Imam Mahamoud Imam Omar, concerning
arrangements for convening the Hawiye peace conference and the
national reconciliation conference. During their discussions, the Imam
of Hirab confirmed to my Special Representative the willingness of
both Mr. Ali Mahdi and General Aidid to participate in the
conferences. In separate discussions with my Special Representative,
both General Aidid and Mr. Ali Mahdi assured him of their support for
the initiative of the Imam to resolve differences among the Hawiye
subclans (Abgal, Habr Gedir, Hawadle and Murusade) as a prelude to the
national reconciliation conference."
STF: This was in fact what UNOSOM has been led to believe, by both the
faction leaders and the Imam of Hirab. But at the same time that the
Secretary-General's report was released, General Aideed unexpectedly
told UN officials that he believed the focus on a Hawiye
reconciliation was divisive and was creating tension among non-Hawiye
clans; therefore he would not support the process. In this instance,
the Secretary-General's report was simply overtaken by events on the
ground, and is no longer accurate.
UN: "...6. Over the past few weeks, the Imam has held meetings with
various subclan leaders. His efforts culminated in the convening on 20
August 1994 of a meeting attended by 36 representatives from the
Mudulood clan family (including Abgals) and the Habr Gedir. The
participants unanimously agreed that, in order to facilitate the
restoration of peace in Mogadishu, their respective "technicals" must
withdraw to their original areas of control. A committee was
accordingly established to monitor and oversee the removal of the
"technicals"..."
STF: The report is at this point guilty of omission. In a full page
reporting on developments toward Hawiye reconciliation, the report
fails to mention any of the very serious incidents of armed
hostilities which have occurred within the Hawiye clan, including: the
Habr Gedr attack on the Hawadle clan in Beled Weyn and surrounding
towns; Hawadle-Habr Gedr clashes in the airport area of south
Mogadishu; the fighting within the Murosade which has divided along
SNA-USC lines and threatens to spill over into broader factional
clashes in Mogadishu; and Murosade-Habr Gedr fighting in the Medina
neighborhood of South Mogadishu. A "factual account of recent
developments" should not have omitted these important setbacks in the
search for Hawiye reconciliation; they are critical prerequisites for
clear assessment of the likelihood of successful Hawiye peace
initiatives.
UN: "12. The Lower Juba Reconciliation Conference was successfully
concluded on 18 June 1994. There have been no major violations of the
Lower Juba peace agreement and the cease-fire is holding. The
implementation committee has been meeting in Kismayo with a view to
formulating a plan of action for the implementation of the agreement.
The leaders of the Lower Juba Reconciliation Conference and the Absame
Reconciliation Conference have continued to meet in an effort to merge
the two peace processes in order to consolidate peace in both the
Lower and the Middle Juba regions. The Chairman of the Lower Juba
Reconciliation Conference, General Mohamed Ibrahim Ahmed "Liqliqato",
held successful meetings from 7 to 9 September 1994 with Imam Sayed
Hussein, Chairman of the Absame Reconciliation Conference, and General
Mohamed Said Hersi "Morgan". Agreement was reached at these meetings
to set priorities for the Juba regions and to expedite the
implementation of the Lower Juba and Absame peace agreements."
STF: This summary of the situation in the Juba/Kismayo region is
misleading and omits important contrary information:
--The lower Juba reconciliation conference was not as successful as
UNOSOM has portrayed it. In fact, it was seriously flawed, as it
omitted one of the two main parties to the conflict - the Ogadeni clan
- from the conference. The signing of a peace between Morgan and the
Habr Gedr representatives in the Juba valley will not resolve the
underlying conflict in the region between the Ogadeni and Harti clans.
--Recently the Habr Gedr have withdrawn their militia and
representatives from the lower Jubba valley, leaving the
"administration" of the region in the hands of Ogadeni Col. Omar Jess,
who rejected the lower Jubba accord. This very likely means that the
lower Jubba accord is dead in the water. --UNOSOM's own internal
reports acknowledge that the Absame reconciliation meeting, far from
representing another successful local peace, essentially broke up
without resolving most of the differences still dividing the clan.
--Fighting has broken out in two locations in the Juba region. In
Jilib, armed clashes have taken place on several occasions between the
Habr Gedr and their former allies, the Ogadenis, with numerous
casualties; and fighting between the Aulihan (Ogadenis) and the
Ajuraan clan in Buaale has led to casualties and instability.
--Tensions in Kismayo are extremely high, as the Marehan clan and most
of the Dolbahante clan have broken ranks with General Morgan over the
signing of the peace treaty with the Habr Gedr. This tension was
especially high during the meeting between Sayid Hussein, Liqliqato
and Morgan, which was not successful, contrary to UNOSOM's assessment.
--Virtually all international NGOs and UN agencies have withdrawn from
Kismayo and the Jubba region due to continued security problems and
extortion.
In sum, the situation in the Juba region is much more troubled than
the Secretary-General's report portrays it.
UN: "13. The Fifth Congress of SSDF, following two months of intensive
consultations, elected Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf as its new Chairman on
22 August 1994. The election of Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf has been
accepted and Mr. Abdirazak Haji Hussein, the nominee of the supreme
committee of the Sultans of the north-east to the chairmanship of
SSDF, has recognized the election of Abdullahi Yusuf. The Congress was
concluded on 26 August 1994 and consultations are continuing to
consolidate its outcome. Following his election as SSDF Chairman,
Colonel Yusuf has affirmed his commitment to assist in bringing
together the southern factions in Mogadishu in order to facilitate
national reconciliation, on the basis of the Addis Ababa agreement and
the Nairobi Declaration."
STF: This assessment of the political situation in the north-east of
Somalia is extremely deceptive. In reality, there is considerable
confusion over the leadership of the SSDF and the Mijerteen clan.
After the committee of sultans nominated Abdirazak - a surprise choice
- Abdullahi Yusuf rejected their nomination and convened his own
congress, which named him Chairman of SSDF. This meeting was by no
means representative of all of the Mijerteen, however, who remain
divided over leadership of the SSDF. Abdirazak left the north-east
under physical threat by the Yusuf militia, which does not, as UNOSOM
falsely implies, constitute an endorsement of Yusuf on the part of
Abdirazak. Gen. Mohamed Abshir Moussa, Abdullahi Yusuf's rival, did
not participate in the conference which selected Yusuf, and rejects
the outcome. Most observers fear that tensions within the Mijerteen
clan may soon spill over into armed clashes, which would be especially
tragic since the northeast has been the one region to escape armed
conflict during the Somali civil war. But nowhere does the
Secretary-General's report reflect this concern. Nor does it
adequately capture the level of complexity and flux which now
characterizes politics in the northeast of Somalia.
UN: "14. With respect to developments concerning the participation of
SNM in the national reconciliation process as called for under the
Nairobi Declaration, the SNM Chairman, Mr. Abdirahman Ahmed Ali, met
with the chairmen of the other three north-west-based political
factions (Somali Democratic Alliance (SDA), United Somali Party (USP)
and United Somali Front (USF)) in Djibouti, from 13 to 17 August 1994,
to consider the situation in the north-west. At the end of their
meeting, they issued a joint statement declaring, inter alia, that
secession of the north was neither feasible nor desirable and that the
national reconciliation conference envisaged under the Nairobi
Declaration was long overdue and should be convened not later than
September 1994. The statement also proposed the adoption of a federal
system of government for Somalia and conveyed an offer by the four
factions to use their good offices to mediate between the factions in
the south..."
STF: This paragraph is also extremely misleading, as it falsely
implies that there is broad support in the northwest, or "Somaliland,"
to rescind the declaration of secession and rejoin efforts at national
reconciliation in the south. In reality Abdiraman Ahmed Ali "Tour"
repesents very few of his Isaaq clansmen and has been repeatedly and
explicitly rejected as a representative of the people of the northwest
by the "government" of Somaliland. UNOSOM is aware that Tour possesses
almost no constituency and therefore does not meaningfully represent
anyone in these meetings. Indeed, it was in part because of its
continued dealings with Tour that UNOSOM was expelled from
"Somaliland" by the Egal government in August, a serious setback that
the Seretary-General's report fails to discuss, referring only once to
the lack of any UNOSOM presence throughout northern Somalia. This
section of the report thus bears very little resemblence to political
reality in the northwest of Somalia. In this instance UNOSOM seems to
be willfully misleading the Security Council, and in the process
raising false expectations of an impending political settlement of the
northwest issue.
Furthermore, since the issuing of the September 17 report, Tour has
publicly distanced himself from this initiative and denounced the
possibilities of reaching a southern reconciliation. Therefore, the
UNOSOM initiative with Tour is no longer relevant to national
reconciliation efforts in Somalia. [/HAB/ See the "UN expelled"
section under Somaliland for the reaction of President Egal to the
SG's report.]
III. MILITARY AND SECURITY ASPECTS
[Paragraphs 17-27 review the first steps of the UNOSOM miltiary
drawdown, and comments on recent security problems, including the
attacks on UNOSOM forces at Beled Weyn (29 July) and Bale Dogle (22
August), in which a total of eight UN soldiers were killed. These
incidents are reported as follows:]
UN: "26. The most serious of the recent incidents happened in Belet
Weyne and in the Indian area of responsibility. On 29 July, in Belet
Weyne, troops of the Zimbabwean contingent were completely overrun by
a strong militia force. One UNOSOM soldier was killed and the UNOSOM
troops had to abandon all their equipment to the militia. The Indian
contingent had to face two serious incidents during the same week. On
22 August, an Indian unit escorting a supply convoy was ambushed by
armed militia near Burlego, on the Baledogle-Baidoa road. Seven Indian
soldiers were killed during this incident. On 31 August, three Indian
doctors were killed in Baidoa when a rifle grenade exploded as they
were leaving the officers' mess..."
STF: The report omits a critical aspect of these and several other
security incidents that have resulted in UNOSOM casualties - that they
were unprovoked attacks by the militia of the Habr-Gedr, the clan of
General Aideed. This fact has been a major political complication for
UNOSOM in its dealings with Aideed, and should be an important factor
in the Security Council's deliberations over UNOSOM's relationship
with the Somali faction/militia leaders and its current negotiating
strategy.
Conclusions
There is ample evidence to suggest that the September 17, 1994,
Secretary- General's report on Somalia bears little resemblence to
actual political developments on the ground. Moreover, while some of
the inaccuracies in the report are the result of changing
circumstances in the months of August and September, many appear to be
willful misreadings and misrepresentations, designed to portray the
situation in Somalia in a much more positive light than the situation
warrants.
There are a number of dangers inherent in misleading and possibly
politicized reporting within the UN. First, it is possible that the
Security Council will act on faulty information, issuing resolutions
that do not serve the best interests of either the host population (in
this case, the Somali people) or the international community. More
realistically, however, most of the Security Council members have
their own independent sources of analysis and will not be misled by
poor reporting on the part of the Secretariat. But that presents a
different kind of danger to the office of the Secretary-General -
namely, the erosion of the credibility of the institution. In the case
of Somalia, UN agencies, non-governmental organizations,
member-states, the media, and the Somali people are all well aware of
the actual political situation in Somalia. The UN only damages its own
credibility by issuing reports that distort or omit the truth.
The Somalia Task Force appeals to the office of the Secretary-General
to insure that its reporting to the Security Council, and, by
extension, the international community, reflects the highest levels of
integrity and accuracy. In particular, we appeal to the
Secretary-General's office to insure that the upcoming October 15
report on Somalia, which will contain important policy recommendations
on the future of UNOSOM, reflect a realistic assessment of the
situation in Somalia rather than the largely illusory one presented in
the September 17 report...
SECRETARY-GENERAL'S REPORT OF 14 OCT: NATIONAL RECONCILIATION
...8. During their meeting at Mogadishu on 16 September 1994, the
leader of SNA, General Aidid, informed the Under-Secretary-General
that it was now the view of SNA that the ongoing consultations within
the Hawiye clan provided a sufficient basis for the political process
in Somalia to proceed directly to the convening of the preparatory
meeting at the end of September, to be followed immediately by the
National Reconciliation Conference, which should not last more than
three weeks. General Aidid contended that that new position of SNA
made the convening of the Hawiye Reconciliation Conference
unnecessary.
9. The reactions of the leaders of the other Hawiye subclans to this
development have been mixed. Mr. Ali Mahdi, who was originally
reluctant to participate in the clan conference but was eventually
persuaded to do so, expressed his surprise. The Imam of Hirab, for his
part, wanted more time for consultations. As at the time of writing of
this report, the preparations for a Hawiye Reconciliation Conference,
of which so much had been expected, had not begun. Given the hopes
placed in the Hawiye Reconciliation Conference, the proposal to bypass
it would seem to be a negative development.
10. As for the preparatory meeting and the National Reconciliation
Conference, my Special Representative has reported that General Aidid
is insisting on convening the former himself. For their part, Mr. Ali
Mahdi and the group of 12 have insisted that invitations for both the
preparatory meeting and the National Reconciliation Conference should
be issued by my Special Representative and they have made it clear
that they would not attend any meeting convened by General Aidid.
However, as a result of extensive negotiations which Colonel Abdullahi
Yusuf Ahmed of the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF) has held
with both General Aidid and Mr. Ali Mahdi, my Special Representative
has recently been informed that General Aidid has now agreed in
principle to UNOSOM issuing the invitations for the preparatory
meeting. General Aidid's decision is expected to be confirmed in
writing in the next few days. My Special Representative will continue
to extend all possible support to the efforts of the Somali parties...
SECRETARY-GENERAL RECOMMENDS EXTENSION OF MANDATE TO 31 MAR 95
15. As endorsed by the Security Council in a presidential statement of
12 August 1994, a gradual reduction of UNOSOM's strength is under way.
By the end of October 1994, its force level will have been reduced to
15,000 all ranks. The deployment and capabilities of the reduced force
will be concentrated in three major centres: Baidoa, Kismayo and
Mogadishu. It will maintain a mobile reserve unit to respond to
emergencies. In the Force Commander's judgement, the 15,000-troop
strength is the minimum viable force level for continued
implementation of the present mandate and the initiation and execution
of a safe and orderly closure of the mission if this is decided by the
Security Council.
16. With respect to security during the period of withdrawal, recent
incidents at Belet Uen and Balad, in which UNOSOM personnel were
attacked and assets looted, indicate that the withdrawal of UNOSOM
troops and assets could be difficult and dangerous in some areas. In
the worst-case scenario, UNOSOM forces would have to withdraw in face
of hostile action by Somali factions and/or widespread banditry, which
would prevent the use of commercial air and sea transport. In order to
cope with this threat, it will be necessary for Member States to
provide UNOSOM with the support required to extricate personnel and
equipment safely from Somalia... While hoping that its withdrawal can
proceed smoothly, UNOSOM must prepare for the worst-case scenario. It
is my estimation that a secure and orderly withdrawal of UNOSOM troops
and assets will require a period of between 60 and 120 days, depending
on security conditions...
22. ...The Council has already decided that the mission of UNOSOM II
should end in March 1995. If the Council maintains this decision and
all UNOSOM II forces and assets have to be withdrawn, time will be
required to ensure that the withdrawal takes place in a secure,
orderly and expeditious manner. As indicated in paragraph 16 above,
this may take as long as 120 days. It may also require extensive air
and sea support from Member States and it is important that the
availability of such support is confirmed as soon as possible. In the
light of these considerations, I recommend that the Security Council
extend the Mission's mandate until 31 March 1995...
UN CHIEF 'FAILED SOMALIA'
The United Nations' failure to restore order in Somalia was due
largely to the incompetence and arrogance of Boutros Boutros-Ghali,
the UN secretary-general, according to the former head of the UN
Somalia operation.
Mohamed Sahnoun, an Algerian diplomat, accuses Mr Boutros-Ghali of
taking actions that undermined Somali confidence in the UN, undercut
Mr Sahnoun's authority and tolerated corruption.
In his memoir Somalia: The Missed Opportunities, Mr Sahnoun also
blames the organisation's inherent weakness for its failure to bring
peace.
If Mr Sahnoun's assessment is accurate, Mr Boutros-Ghali bears
personal responsibility for much of what went wrong in Somalia and, by
extension, for the Clinton administration's disillusionment with the
UN as an instrument of multilateral peacekeeping: the Somalia
experience led it to develop guidelines restricting United States
participation in UN peacekeeping operations.
Mr Sahnoun criticised the UN performance in Somalia while he was head
of its operations there in 1992, and attributed his resignation to
"bitter experiences with the UN bureaucracy". He quit after being
reprimanded by Mr Boutros-Ghali for criticising UN agencies.
Mr Sahnoun drew praise from relief agencies for his work in Somalia.
His account is consistent with previous studies indicating that the UN
moved too slowly to head off catastrophe and took sides in the clan
conflict after assuming responsibility for the international military
operation in May 1993...
The overall problem with the UN, in his view, is that it is
ill-equipped organisationally and politically to be the engine of
peacekeeping efforts.
"The current system ... routinely reacts to crisis through
improvisation," Mr Sahnoun said. "This explains why there are so many
delays and contradictions in the UN's response to crisis."
In Somalia, many people harboured hostility toward Mr Boutros-Ghali
that predated his selection to the top UN post. As a senior official
of Egypt's foreign ministry, he supported Mohammed Siad Barre, the
Somali president whom the clan leaders fought successfully to
overthrow in the late 1980s.
Mr Sahnoun's assignment was to persuade the clan leaders to accept the
UN as mediators and win their confidence - a mission, he says,
undercut by ineptitude and misjudgement throughout the UN...
KITTANI RESPONDS TO LIPPMAN ARTICLE
Having read the article by your correspondent Thomas Lippman entitled
"U.N. Chief Faulted in Somalia Mess", I thought your readers might be
interested in a few pertinent comments from someone who succeeded Mr.
Mohamed Sahnoun as Special Representative of the Secretary-General in
Somalia.
It should be recalled that it was the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros
Boutros-Ghali, who took a very early lead in persistently drawing
attention to the tragedy of Somalia. Barely a few weeks after taking
office, he urged the international community in public and in private
to come to the aid of Somalia.
When I arrived in Mogadishu on 8 November 1992 to take over UNOSOM I,
I found the operation in a shambles:
1. The 500 Pakistani troops had arrived 2 months before in order to
secure the airport and the seaport and to escort the distribution of
humanitarian aid. Instead, they had been completely idle on the beach
and prevented from deployment;
2. The airport of Mogadishu had been closed for all traffic for over 2
months;
3. Due to banditry and obstacles at every turn, a fraction of the
humanitarian aid, so generously donated by the international
community, was reaching the people for whom it was intended;
4. No political reconciliation meeting was in sight.
When I reported these dismal conditions to the Secretary-General, he
did not hesitate to inform the Security Council and urge it to take
strong action to remedy the situation. Among the five options
presented by the Secretary-General, the Security Council choose to set
up UNITAF under U.S. command and control.
It was noteworthy that when I left Somalia in March 1993 to be
replaced by Admiral Howe:
1. The backbone of the famine had been broken due to close
coordination and cooperation between UNOSOM I and UNITAF in the
distribution of humanitarian aid;
2. As early as 4 January 1993, the first political reconciliation
conference was held under the auspices of the Secretary-General, who
personally opened the meeting in Addis Ababa. More than 14 factions
agreed to disarm and to hold another conference in March of the same
year.
Far-reaching decisions on political reconciliation and the setting up
of an interim government within 2 years were decided upon at that
conference.
As for lost opportunities, one must recall that it was the
Secretary-General who insisted in public and private from the outset
of the UNITAF operation that the disarming of the warring factions in
Somalia was a prerequisite for creating a secure environment for
rehabilitation, reconstruction and reconciliation in Somalia. A swift
and effective disarming of the warring factions by UNITAF, which had
the means and the mandate to do so, would undoubtedly have paved the
way for an ea
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ACCESSING THE AFRICAN STUDIES WWW
Using Mosaic or another hypertext reader, the URL is:
http://www.african.upenn.edu/African_Studies/AS.html
AFRICAN STUDIES ON PENNINFO
Information about the African Studies Center at the University of
Pennsylvania can be found on the campus-wide information system
PennInfo. The African Studies Program at U. Penn is one of some 70
"providers of information" on this system. Access to it is available
through a personal computer, provided you have a modem, or through
public access booths located on the Penn campus. The African Studies
on PennInfo includes information on programs, resources and events at
U. Penn.
ACCESSING PENNINFO
Accessing PennInfo using PennNet: 1. Logon to PennNet using
your userid & password;
2. Type "t penninfo" at
the annex prompt;
3. Select
"Interdisciplinary
Programs" at PennInfo's
main menu;
4. Then select the
"African Studies"
folder.
Accessing PennInfo from other locations: GOPHER gopher.upenn.edu
TELNET penninfo.upenn.edu
Directory: PennInfo via the
Gopher -> PennInfo Gateway/
PennInfo/Interdisciplinary
Programs/African_Studies
Note: In order to view GIF graphics, the connection must be made via
ethernet, SLIP, Telix or a similar protocol.
ACRONYMS:
ADDHL - Djibouti Association for the Defense of Human Rights and
Liberties
DRA - Djibouti Relief Association
FDF - Front of Democratic Forces
FRUD - Front for the Restauration of Unity and Democracy
FNS - Force Nationale de Securite
MND - Mouvement National Djiboutien
MSR - Mouvement pour le Salut et la Reconstruction
MUD - Movement pour l'Unite de la Democratie
PCRD - Parti Centriste et des Reformes Democratiques
PND - Parti National Democratique
PRD - Parti du Renouveau Democratique
RPP - Rassemblement Populaire pour le Progres
UDD - Union des Democrates Djiboutiens
UDSJ - Union for Democracy and Social Justice
UMD - Union des Movements Democratiques
** THE GOVERNMENT **
TWO MINISTERS DISMISSED
(Reuter 16 Oct 94)
DJIBOUTI - Djibouti's Minister of Youth, Sports and Cultural Affairs,
Muhammad Ibrahim Muhammad, and the Minister of Labour and Training,
Ithirow Hamadou, were dismissed on Sunday, an official decree said.
(ION 17 Sep 94, p.3)
Secret peace talks between delegations of the Djibouti government and
the opposition movement Front pour la Restauration de l'Unite et de la
Democratie at meetings of the joint commissions in recent weeks appear
to have made some progress. The meetings were held on Djibouti
territory in the Hanle Plain and at Adailou, with the most recent one
being held last week at Ribta, 15 km from Tadjourah in the northern
part of the country. Discussions centered around a number of subjects
such as the quotas of FRUD members integrated into the government
armed forces, the powers to be given local administrative bodies (in
the perspective of administrative and economic decentralization), and
"common management" of a return to peaceful conditions in Djibouti.
The last point is a sticky one because it covers the political reforms
demanded by FRUD, such as strengthening the authority of the prime
minister and parliament, revising electoral lists, and so on. The
government delegation has been led by prime minister Barkat Gourat
Hamadou and interior and decentralization minister Idriss Harbi Farah.
But the Ribta meeting saw Ismael Omar Guelleh, chef de cabinet to head
of state Hassan Gouled Aptidon, present in the corridors outside the
conference and sources say he may even have attended the closing
meeting...
(ION 24 Sep 94, p.3)
The Front Uni de l'Opposition Djiboutienne (FUOD) headed by Mohamed
Ahmed Issa (Cheiko) announced on September 21 that second
vice-president Galal Abdourahmen Ahmed, who is also president of the
Movement pour le Salut et la Reconstruction (MSR), had been dismissed.
Other FUOD officials were confirmed in their posts: Mahdi Ibrahim
Ahmed (first vice-president), Abdoulkader Djama Rayaleh (spokesman),
Mohamed Houssein Hassan (secretary general), and Kamil Ali Mohamed
(deputy secretary general and publisher of the newspaper Al Wahdaa.
The dismissal of Galal Abdourahman Ahmed was justified, the Front
said, by contacts he had with "the new directorate of Front pour la
Restauration de l'Unite et de la Democratie" (FRUD headed by Ougoureh
Kifleh Ahmed) and by a meeting he is believed to have had with
Djibouti's prime minister, Barkat Gourad Amadou. FUOD leaders are
refusing to have anything to do with the "secret negotiations"
currently pursued by the Djibouti government and FRUD. The FUOD
officials claim that they recognize only "the legitimate FRUD"
symbolized in their eyes by the group headed by the movement's former
president, Ahmed Dini, who also opposes the negotiations.
(Reuter 30 Sep 94)
PARIS - An outlawed Djibouti opposition group reaffirmed on Friday its
commitment to armed struggle to achieve the overthrow of the Djibouti
government.
(SWB 30 Sep 94 [AFP in French, 5 Oct 94])
Jibuti: Yesterday, the National Congress of the Afar rebel movement,
the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy [FRUD], barred
former FRUD Chairman Ahmad Dini Ahmad and former FRUD Deputy Chairman
Muhammad Adoyta from exercising "any activity or responsibility"
within the movement.
(ION 15 Oct 94, p.3)
The second congress of Parti du Renouveau Democratique (PRD,
opposition), due to have been held at Obock in the northern part of
the country on September 29 and 30, was finally postponed. PRD
official decided they would celebrate only the second anniversary of
the party's founding and planned it for October 7 at the Djibouti
Sheraton. PRD president (and ex-minister) Mohamed Djama Elabe called
for regular meetings with other opposition movements in order to "work
out a common program of Djibouti's opposition". He said that although
the guns had fallen silent in recent months, "peace is getting bogged
down" and he presented three proposals from his party.
(ION 3 Oct 94, p.3)
Djibouti's border posts at Loyada (on its frontier with Somaliland)
and Galafi (on the western frontier with Ethiopia) have been reopened.
The Loyada post was closed by the Djibouti authorities for four months
following a number of frontier incidents and during that period, food
supplies were shuttled into Somaliland through the ports of Djibouti
and Berbera.
(SWB 10 Oct 94 [VOEE in English, 7 Oct 94])
Ethiopia and Jibuti have issued a joint communique in which both sides
reiterated to strengthen their good-neighbourly relations of
friendship and cooperation. The communique followed a four-day
official working visit to Jibuti by President Meles Zenawi...
(ION 15 Oct 94, p.2)
According to an Arab diplomatic source, Saudi Arabia and Djibouti are
studying the possibility of the Horn of Africa country setting up a
well-equipped military camp to receive the hundreds of South Yemeni
military who took refuge in Djibouti just before the Yemen northern
army captured Aden during the recent Yemeni civil conflict. The
military are currently lodged in Djibouti hotels. Head of state Hassan
Gouled Aptidon is believed to have agreed in principle on condition
that his country is not transformed into an operations base for South
Yemenis and that they are merely "passing through". In return, the
Djibouti government has asked Saudi Arabia for financial aid to the
tune of USD 2 million, a price which the Saudis have reportedly
esteemed somewhat high.
(SWB 19 Oct 94 [Voice of Israel external service, Jerusalem, in
English 17 Oct 94])
Israel and Jibuti are due to announce diplomatic relations in the near
future. The ambassador of the Arab north East African country told
Israel's ambassador to the United Nations that his country is
favourably considering the move. Israeli sources say the two
ambassadors have held secret meetings in the past few months.
(ION 8 Oct 94, p.7)
Djibouti's finance minister Ahmed Aden Yussuf and the United States
ambassador to Djibouti Martin L. Cheshes signed an agreement on
September 28 covering US annual budget assistance for the year
1994-1995. The aid will amount to US$ 1 million (about 177 million
Djibouti francs) which is a reduction of around 50 percent compared
with the previous year, when Washington gave Djibouti $2 million in
budget aid.
ACRONYMS:
ARDU - Afar Revolutionary Democratic Union
ARDUF - Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front
CERA - Commission for Eritrean Refugee Affairs
CRS - Catholic Relief Secretariat
ECE - Evangelical Church of Eritrea
EDLM - Eritrean Democratic Liberation Movement
EDM - Eritrean Democratic Movement
ELF - Eritrean Liberation Front
ELF-RC - ELF-Revolutionary Council
ELF-UO - ELF-Unity Organisation
EPLF Eritrean People's Liberation Front
ERRA - Eritrean Relief and Rehabilitation Association
ERD - Emergency Relief Desk
PFDJ - Popular Front for Democracy and Justice
PGE - Provisional Government of Eritrea
PROFERI - Programme for Refugee Reintegration and Rehabilitation of
Resettlement Areas in Eritrea
** BUILDING A MODERN STATE **
REBUILDING MASSAWA
(ANB 1 Sep 94, p.2 [The Courier, Brussels, Jul-Aug 94])
Massawa is the larger of Eritrea's two ports on the Red Sea coast, and
its oldest city. Traders from ancient Greece and the Egypt of the
Pharaohs used to sail into this natural harbour before the Christian
era... Thirty years ago, before Eritrea's war of liberation began, it
was a prosperous place with a population of some 80,000 engaged mainly
in cement manufacture, salt-panning, ice production, harbour working
and commercial fishing. Health, education and transport facilities
were good.
(ERRA Newsletter Aug-Sep 94, p.5)
...Reintegration of demobilized fighters or army into civilian life,
is an ardous undertaking, which includes vocational training,
discharge payments, credit schemes, resettlement (housing and
agriculture site) and possibly credits from the bank at a low rate to
enable veterans to establish a business or deploy into agriculture...
(ERRA Aug-Sep 94, p.9)
Under the standard bearer of "Emancipation through equal
participation", the National Union of Eritrean Women (NUEWmn) emerged
onto Eritrea's tumultuous, revolutionary landscape in 1979, as one of
the national, mass organizations of the Eritrean People's Liberation
Front (EPLF)... Not content to rest on the laurels of wartime progress
towards gender equality, the NUEWmn have remained highly active since
Independence.
(MSANEWS via NN/hrnet.africa 8 Sep 94
[Swiss Review of World Affairs 1
Sep 94, by Peter Winkler])
...Early this year the Asmara government published reports on the
activities of an Eritrean branch of Islamic Jihad in the western part
of the country. According to the Asmara reports, armed groups that had
crossed the border into Eritrea from Sudan were wiped out in a
large-scale military operation. In unusually harsh and unequivocal
terms, Asmara accused Turabi and his NIF of having armed, trained and
instructed the Islamist units. In late April a high-ranking Eritrean
delegation paid a visit to the Sudanese capital. And to make sure that
Sudan got the message, a few days earlier Asmara had concluded a
defense treaty with Ethiopia.
(ERRA Aug-Sep 94, p.6)
...ERRA is a non-profit making agency registered in Eritrea. Some 40
International NGO's have been partners to ERRA for about 15 years.
There are now about 20 Indigenous and International NGO's registered
in Eritrea and operating under the auspices of ERRA...
(Moneyclips via RBB 20 Oct 94 [Arab News by Abdul Wahab Bashir])
Jeddah, Sept. 17 - The second-most senior official in the ruling
Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front said no political activity outside
the EPLF will be tolerated at this stage where the country is being
built from scratch but promised that the proposed constitution
expected to be passed within two years will guarantee political rights
for all Eritreans.
(Reuter 18 Oct 94)
ADDIS ABABA - The newly-independent Red Sea state of Eritrea estimates
grain output of up to 317,165 tonnes in the 1994 calendar year -
nearly half its total requirements, a state publication said on
Tuesday.
(Reuter 9 Sep 94)
KHARTOUM - The Sudanese and Eritrean governments have signed an
agreement for the voluntary repatriation of 25,000 Eritrean refugees
living in Sudan back to their country.
(SWB 15 Sep 94 [Radio State of Kuwait in Arabic 13 Sep 94])
His Excellency President Isayas Afewerki, president of the State of
Eritrea, at 1000 o'clock this morning [local time] visited His
Highness the Emir of the country at Bayan Palace, where they held
talks.
(Moneyclips via RBB 30 Sep 94
[Saudi Gazette, by Mazhar Hasan Siddiqi,Staff])
Jeddah, Sept. 26: A 30-member Saudi trade delegation will arrive in
Asmara on October 15 for exploring possibilities of investment in the
war and drought-ravaged Eritrea, Tekie Beyene, Eritrea Investment
Centre's managing director, said.
ACRONYMS:
AAPO - All Amhamra People's Organisation
ADU - Afar Democratic Union
ALF - Afar Liberation Front
APDO - Afar People's Democratic Organisation
ARDU - Afar Revolutionary Democratic Union
ARDUF - Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front
BPLM - Benishangul People's Liberation Movement
CAFPDE - Council of the Alternative Forces for Peace and Democracy in
Ethiopia
COEDF - Coalition of Ethiopian Democratic Forces
CRDA - Christian Relief and Development Association
ECS - Ethiopian Catholic Secretariat
EDAG - Ethiopian Democratic Action Group
EDC - Ethiopian Democratic Organization Coalition
EDUP - Ethiopian Democratic Unionist Party
EECMY - Eth. Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus
ENDP - Ethiopian National Democratic Party
EPDA - Ethiopian Peoples' Democratic Alliance
EPDM - Ethiopian People's Democratic Movement
EPRDF - Ethiopian People's Rev. Democratic Front
EPRP - Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party
ESDL - Ethiopian Somali Democratic League
ESDM - Ethiopian Somali Democratic Movement
GDU - Gamo Democratic Union
GPDF - Gurage People's Democratic Front
HPDO - Hadia People's Democratic Organisation
IFLO - Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromia
IGLF - Issa Gurgura Liberation Front
KPC - Kembata People's Congress
MEISONE - All Ethiopia Socialist Union
OALF - Oromo Abo Liberation Front
OLF - Oromo Liberation Front
ONLF - Ogaden National Liberation Front
OPDO - Oromo People's Democratic Organisation
ORA - Oromo Relief Association
OSAFU - Oromo Students Association of Finfine University
SEPDC - Southern Ethiopian Peoples Democratic Coalition
SGPDO - Sodo Gordena People's Democratic Organisation
SPDO - Sidama People's Democratic Organisation
TPLF - Tigray People's Liberation Front
TWU - Tigri-Worji Union
UODO - United Oromo Democratic Organisation
UOPLF - United Oromo People's Liberation Front
WPE - Workers' Party of Ethiopia
WPDF - Wolaita People's Democratic Front
WSLF - Western Somali Liberation Front
** THE DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS **
ETHIOPIAN ELECTION DATES
(NNS Aug 94)
Elections to the Constituent Assembly in Ethiopia took place on June 5
in all regions except Region 5 (Somali) and Dire Dawa. Elections in
Dire Dawa took place on July 31 and voting for Region 5 happened on
August 28.
(SWB 6 Sep 94 [VOE in Amharic, 4 Sep 94])
Candidates of the Ethiopian Somali Democratic League [ESDL] for
Constituent Assembly elections in Region Five [Somali region in
eastern Ethiopia] held last Sunday [28th August] have won in seven of
the 11 constituencies whose results have been announced, the national
election board's information and statistics department reported. The
head of the department told ENA [Ethiopian News Agency] that the ESDL
candidates won in Sheleye [phonetic], Aysha, Tsenot, Fik, Kebri Dehar,
Eastern Gamo and Cherit constituencies. Independent candidates won in
Werder, Geladi and Segego [phonetic] and the Western Somali Democratic
Party won in Dego Mehatso [both elements of name phonetic]. The
election results of Gode, Kelafo, Elkere, Lege Hare and Dolo Odo
constituencies will be announced after counting ends.
(Reuter 20 Oct 94)
ADDIS ABABA - Ethiopia's newly elected Constituent Assembly will meet
for the first time on October 28 to discuss a draft document on the
country's future constitution, the government announced on Thursday.
(Reuter 5 Sep 94)
ADDIS ABABA - Ethiopia may hold multi-party elections in February, the
first since a Marxist regime was overthrown three years ago, President
Meles Zenawi has said.
(ION 17 Sep 94, p.2)
Although the visit of former US president Jimmy Carter to Addis Ababa
last week was officially meant to boost an agricultural assistance
programme of the Carter Center of Atlanta (GA), almost inevitably it
took on a political hue. Carter met with several representatives of
the political opposition before declaring on September 8 that he would
"continue to make strong efforts along with others to bring the
opposition into the election this coming year for parliament". He said
that Ethiopia's head of state Meles Zenawi and several government
ministers had assured him that "everything would be done to ensure the
free participation of opposition candidates" in the elections,
currently scheduled for February 1995. Although Carter mentioned the
"notable progress made" in human rights compared with Ethiopia's
previous regime, he said "One issue I disagree with the government is
on the degree of press freedom", adding that Ethiopia had "much more
restraint on press freedom than I would personally approve"...
(Reuter 16 Oct 94)
ADDIS ABABA - An Ethiopian opposition front grouping some 30 political
organisations has threatened to boycott upcoming multi-party elections
unless the transitional government stopped intimidating and arresting
rival parties supporters.
(SWB 26 Sep 94 [AFP in English, 24 Sep 94])
Addis Ababa: Police arrested 500 opposition supporters here and plan
to lay charges against 430 of them, the Central Bureau of
Investigation said, according to a report [on] Saturday [24th
September] by the Ethiopian News Agency (ENA). The opposition
[All-]Amhara People's Organization (AAPO) earlier said police had
detained more than 1,500 of its supporters [on] Tuesday after a
demonstration...
(SWB 3 Oct 94 [VOEE in English, 30 Sep 94])
The central bureau of the police force say some 158 supporters of the
All-Amhara People's Organization [AAPO], who were in police custody on
charges of staging illegal demonstration and contempt of court, have
been released.
(NN/AI 3 Oct 94, AI Index: AFR 25/24/94])
Arrests of members of the Sidama Liberation Movement (SLM), a
recognized political party, are continuing amidst allegations that
some have been ill- treated in custody.
(AI 27 Sep 94, AI Index: AFR 25/23/94)
[HAB: Due to limited space, a list of 11 names, including a 13
year-old school girl, has been omitted.]
(NN/AI 26 Sep 94, AI index: AFR 25/22/94)
Mustafa Idris is still "disappeared" after being allegedly abducted by
security officers in Addis Ababa on 31 May 1994. The Ministry of
Internal Affairs has denied that he is in police or prison custody -
but there has been no reply about the suspicion that the security
service (also within the Ministry of Internal Affairs) is holding him
in a secret security interrogation centre.
(NN/AI 25 Aug 94, AI Index: AFR 25/18/94)
[HAB: Due to limited space, a list of 16 names has been omitted.]
The 16 people named above, all members or suspected members of the
Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), have "disappeared" in
military custody. There are serious fears for their safety,
particularly in view of recent reports of the extrajudicial execution
of suspected ONLF supporters, including some killed after having been
kept in incommunicado detention for up to three months...
COUNCIL OF MINISTERS ADOPTS 1994-95 NATIONAL BUDGET
(SWB 6 Sep 94 [VOE in Amharic, 30 Aug 94])
Excerpts from report; figures as heard throughout
The Council of Ministers has received a national draft budget
totalling 9,900m birr for 1987 [Ethiopia calendar; 1994-95]... Amanuel
Abdisa has the details:
(ION 24 Sep 94, p.1)
Although a number of private investment projects for Ethiopia are
still in suspense following the December 1993 promulgation of the law
on attribution of urban land leaseholds (the objection is to the very
high figures set on new leases), the Ethiopian government has managed
to collect favorable overall comments from the International Monetary
Fund for the financial adminstration of the country. According to
information obtained by The Indian Ocean Newsletter, the report of the
IMF mission which went to Ethiopia in July notes very positive results
for Fiscal 1993-1994. The report says that the budget deficit has been
slashed by half as a result of a slowdown in government expenditure,
that the country's currency reserves are equal to some twenty-four
weeks' imports, that the balance of payments is in surplus, and that
the official exchange rate of the national currency (US$ 1 = Birr
5.58) has come close to its open-market rate as a result of the system
of government currency auctions.
(Reuter 4 Sep 94)
ADDIS ABABA - President Meles Zenawi said Ethiopia's World
Bank-recommended structural adjustment programme was the only viable
way to revive the economy devastated by years of civil war and Marxist
dictatorship.
(ION 27 Aug 94, p.5)
Ethiopian minister for mining and energy Izedin Ali and William C.
Athens, who is chairman of an American oil company's subsidiary Afar
Exploration Company, recently signed a petroleum exploration agreement
in Addis Ababa. The petroleum concession involved extends across
22,240 sq. km in the northern part of the Afar region, around the
towns of Tendaho and Sardo, close to the Eritrean border. Sardo is
some 460 km north-east of the Ethiopian capital... The agreement also
lays down that job priority must go to Ethiopian nationals.
(EH 1 Sep 94, p.1 [ENA])
ADDIS ABABA--Ethiopia's Tourism Commissioner Rezene Araya said
yesterday that the country has earned about 23 million US dollars in
1994 from its tourism industry.
(EH 4 Sep 94, p.1 [ENA])
(SWB 6 Sep 94 [VOE in Amharic, 30 Aug 94])
(SWB 6 Sep 94 [VOEE in English, 4 Sep 94])
(SWB 13 Sep 94 [VOEE in English, 7 Sep 94])
(SWB 20 Sep 94 [KNA news agency, Nairobi, in English 11 Sep 94])
Text of report by PANA news agency, Dakar
(SWB 4 Oct 94 [VOE in Amharic, 23 Sep 94])
(SWB 18 Oct 94 [VOEE in English 6 Oct 94])
Editorial report
(IPS 10 Oct 94, by Anaclet Rwegayura)
ADDIS ABABA - It's time for Ethiopians to stand up and be counted -literally.
(IPS 10 Oct 94, by Susan Litherland)
(SWB 6 Sep 94 [VOEE in English, 27 Aug 94])
(Jiji Press via RBB 30 Sep 94)
Torrential rains over recent days in northern Welo, Wag Humera and
Mekit [phonetic] districts [in northern Ethiopia] have killed 84
people while floods have also swept away many animals. In Wag Humera,
the floods swept away 5,708 animals, destroyed 119 houses and 742
hectares of grain and left 3,240 people homeless, according to a
report by the district's disaster avoidance and preparations
committee...
ADDIS ABABA - Two people were killed and over 1,000 houses were
destroyed by torrential rain in the Ethiopian capital on Friday, Addis
Ababa radio said on Saturday.
(Reuter 22 Aug 94)
(ION 27 Aug 94, p.3)
(EH 2 Sep 94, p. 2)
During his recent visit to the United States, President Meles Zenawi
gave interviews to two US television networks and answered questions
put to him on a broad range of issues... Following is the text of the
interview with Fox Morning News as transcribed by the Ethiopian
Television:
(EH 9 Sep 94, p.1 [ENA])
ADDIS ABABA--The Administration for Refugees and Returnees Affairs
(ARRA) said Wednesday Ethiopia is currently hosting 166,000 Somali
refugees in seven camps in the eastern part of the country.
(SWB 6 Oct 94 [VOEE in English, 4 Oct 94])
About 513 Ethiopians, who fled their country to neighbouring Jibuti
for fear of war and starvation, have been repatriated. Ato [Mr] Amin
[word indistinct], resident chief of the Administration of Refugees
and Returnees'Affairs [ARRA], said that [words indistinct] along with
380 dependants arrived in Dire Dawa yesterday by train. The
repatriation was coordinated by ARRA and the UNHCR. Ato Amin said each
repatriate would be provided with transportation costs and food
rations for two months. He said that about 10,000 more are ready to be
repatriated from Jibuti.
(NNS Aug 94)
International Alert and the Ad Hoc Peace Committee have organised a
conference entitled "The Challenge for Peace Making in Africa" which
will take place from 12 - 15 September 1994 at the Economic Commission
for Africa. The meeting follows the May Cairo consultation to promote
and enhance the OAU mechanism for conflict prevention, management and
resolution and complements the 1995 consultative meeting to be
organised by Accord South Africa with the Africa Leadership Forum...
(EH 13 Sep 94, p.1 [ENA])
ADDIS ABABA--Information Minister Dr. Negasso Gidada said yesterday
that Africa's socio-economic decline would continue unabated if it
fails to focus on broadly conceived preventive measures.
(LWI 16/94, p. 8 [APS/LWI 25 Aug 94])
ADDIS ABABA--The Ethiopian Evangelical Church Mekane Yesus (EECMY) has
resolved to hasten the participation of women in church and society by
involving them in the church's decision-making bodies, the All Africa
Press Service (APS) reported in August...
ACRONYMS:
SACB - Somalia Aid Coordination Body
SAMO - Somali African Muki Organisation
SDA - Somali Democratic Alliance
SDM - Somali Democratic Movement
SLA - Somali Liberation Army
SNA - Somali National Alliance
SNDU - Somali National Democratic Union
SNF - Somali National Front
SNM - Somali National Movement
SNU - Somali National Union
SORRA - Somali Relief and Rehabilitation Agency
SPM - Somali Patriotic Movement
SSA - Somali Salvation Alliance
SSDF - Somali Salvation Democratic Front
SSNM - Southern Somali National Movement
USC - United Somali Congress
USF - United Somali Front
USP - United Somali Party
(UNIC 26 Sep 94 [UN document S/1994/1068, 17 Sep 94]); The Somalia Task Force Oct 94
(UNIC 18 Oct 94 [UN document S/1994/1166 14 Oct 94])
(UNIC 18 Oct 94 [UN document S/1994/1166 14 Oct 94])
(GN 30 Aug 94 [WP, by Thomas Lippman])
(Letter to the Washington Post 30 Aug 94, by Ismat Kittani)