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DUP - Democratic Unionist Party
IGADD - Inter-Governmental Authority on Drought and Development
NDA - National Democratic Alliance
NIF - National Islamic Front
NSCC - New Sudan Council of Churches
NUP - Nationalist Unionist Party
PDF - Popular Defence Forces
PRMSS - Patriotic Resistance Movement of South Sudan
RASS - Relief Association for Southern Sudan
RCC - Revolutionary Command Council
RCCNS - RCC of National Salvation
SCC - Sudan Council of Churches
SEOC - Sudan Emergency Operations Consortium
SPLA - Sudan People's Liberation Army
SPLM - Sudan People's Liberation Movement
SSIM - South Sudan Independence Movement


(SWB 29 Mar 95 [RSR in Arabic, 27 Mar 95])
The president of the republic, Lt-Gen Umar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir, has declared a unilateral cease-fire on behalf of the government for two months beginning midnight [local time] tomorrow [28th March], in support of the efforts of the Carter Foundation for Humanitarian Service and in appreciation of former American President Jimmy Carter and Sudan's participation in his campaign to eradicate guinea worm disease and river blindness. This was stated during a joint international press conference he [Bashir] gave together with the former American president at Friendship Hall this evening...

(Reuter 30 Mar 95)
ATLANTA - Former president Jimmy Carter said on Thursday that he will send his son Chip to the Sudan to help ensure the success of a two-month ceasefire in the war-torn African nation...

"For Rosa and me to send our own son there is obviously a demonstration of good faith and seriousness."...

/HAB/ There seem to be some unanswered questions around this ceasefire. It is unclear whether President Carter's initiative has any formal links with the State Department or with the existing peace efforts under the IGADD umbrella. It is equally unclear whether the ceasefire is tied to any new initiatives towards peace talks or whether the Nuba Mountains are included.

(Reuter 30 Mar 95, by Buchizya Mseteka])
NAIROBI - ..."In response to President Carter's call for a ceasefire, we have declared a unilateral ceasefire from today for the next two months," [SPLA chief John] Garang told a news conference in Nairobi.

He said it would take effect at 3 p.m. (1300 GMT). He called for the deployment of international observers arguing that Khartoum had violated several previous ceasefire accords.

"Several ceasefires have been declared by both the government in Khartoum and the SPLA but each one of them have been violated by the government as soon as they have been announced," he said. "We want international monitors so that ceasefire is not abused by Khartoum."...

(Reuter 28 Mar 95)
NAIROBI - The rebel-held south Sudan town of Waat was bombed by an aircraft, apparently belonging to the government, hours before a unilateral ceasefire declared by Khartoum came into effect, aid workers said on Tuesday.

"There were eight bombs. We have no figures on injured or dead," a relief worker in radio contact with the town from Nairobi told Reuters...

(Reuter 2 Apr 95)
NAIROBI - The rebel South Sudan Independence Movement (SSIM) said on Sunday its forces had repulsed an attack by Sudan government forces on Lafon, 120 km (80 miles) east of Juba, south Sudan's largest town.

A SSIM spokesman said in a statement issued in Nairobi that their forces inflicted heavy casualties on the government force on Friday, capturing its commander, Colonel Khalid Mohamed Osman, two tanks and other vehicles.

It was not immediately possible to independently confirm the SSIM report, which said the incident showed that the ceasefire recently announced by the Sudanese government was "a fake"...

(Reuter 3 Apr 95, by Buchizya Mseteka)
NAIROBI - ...Riak Machar's South Sudan Independence Movement (SSIM) said the ceasefire effective from midnight on Monday could not be announced earlier because of repeated attacks from Sudan government forces in the last week.

"All SSIM forces have been ordered to observe this ceasefire and be confined to the SSIM-controlled areas, and only act on legitimate self-defence. This ceasefire shall take effect as from April 3," Machar told a news conference in Nairobi...


(AC 3 Mar 95, p.3)
Reports of the military situation are confused, not least because deteriorated communications mean factions are not well informed of their rivals' activities. Recent fighting includes:

1. Nimule front: Khartoum trying to take Nimule from SPLA-Mainstream; heavy fighting early February as army moved from Parajok; SPLA claims it killed over 1,000 troops and captured a T-55 tank, 600 rifles and a BM-24 multiple rocket launcher; says around 2,000 troops attacked, mostly PDF militia with artillery and tank support;

2. Morobo-Yei and Kajo Kaji-Kaya-Nimule fronts: fighting since October; SPLA says it beat back army.

3. Torit-Ashwa: SPLA says it beat back army trying to go from Torit to Ashwa;

4. Kapoeta: fighting, especially on Kapoeta-Boma road; SPLA claims to occupy part of town but reportedly failed to take it because of dispute with Taposa people.

5. Rokon-Mundiri and Tali Post-Amadi fronts: SPLA claims to have contained army; Eastern Equatoria fighting has driven thousands of new refugees into Uganda (over 50,000 in four months, says the UN) and Kenya. Western Equatoria seems mainly quiet: SPLA controls main towns.

6. Sobat front: Riek says army has three-pronged attack since 10 February in bid for Nasir; army took Baliet and Adong; second prong from Kurmuk along Ethiopian border to converge at Jokau and Nasir; third prong from Pibor, where troops flown from Khartoum by C-130 (can carry 2-300 men), with 25 flights by mid-month; heavy fighting at Dajo Post for two months: SSIA claimed to have taken it on 20 February;

7. PDF and army attacking Adok area, Upper Nile: heavy artillery air bombardment, tanks.

8. Several months' heavy fighting in Bahr el Ghazal: blamed by Riek on raids by Karabino (based north-east of government-held Gogrial); others blame Riek's Nuer fighters; PDF scorched earth attacks continue round Aweil and elsewhere, especially Southern Kordofan (Nuba Mountains, Ayei).

(Reuter 26 Mar 95)
KHARTOUM - The Sudanese army said it has captured a key town in southern Sudan from rebel forces, state television said on Saturday night...

Nasir has for several years been held by the SPLA faction headed by Riak Machar...

(SWB 28 Mar 95 [RSR in Arabic, 26 Mar 95])
The president of the republic, Staff Lt-Gen Umar Hasan Ahmad al-Bashir, this morning at the Armed Forces' General Command Square addressed a huge public gathering held to celebrate the recapture of the town of Nasir and its liberation from the rebellion filth at the hands of the armed forces and the People's Defence Force...

Concerning those who talk about the inclusion of the Islamic shari'ah issue on the agenda of talks with the rebels, Lt-Gen Bashir pointed out that negotiations on the issue of the shari'ah would only be conducted through the barrel of the gun. He stressed that Sudan would remain united...

(Reuter 16 Feb 95)
KHARTOUM - Sudan has directed its regional governors to step up a drive to swell the size of the country's Islamist militia force to one million men.

Military leader General Omar Hassan al-Bashir ordered governors of the country's 26 states this week to provide 30,000 recruits each to the Popular Defence Force militia, the government-owned al-Ingaz al-Watani reported on Thursday.

The government has not disclosed the present size of the popular militia, which is pivotal to Sudan's drive against southern rebels...

The militia, formed in 1989 after Bashir overthrew Sudan's elected government, is not part of the country's armed forces numbering more than 82,500 male conscripts.

Al-Watani said Bashir issued the recruitment order on Wednesday when he addressed the graduation ceremony of more than 60,000 popular defence force recruits in Kassala, in eastern Sudan on the border with Eritrea, with whom Sudan has had strained relations lately.

Bashir said the recruitment did not signal any aggression towards neighbours but was to defend "our homeland and frighten our enemies", the newspaper said...

(SNV 16 Mar 95)
...The Southern Sudan Independence Movement (SSIM) led by Riak Machar, on the other hand, issued a statement accusing Lam Akol of attacking and looting civilians in Kurkan and Wadi el-Zeraf areas south of Malakal in Upper Nile and of collaborating with Khartoum government. The statement also said that four of the SSIM fighters and five of Lam's men were killed in a clash between the two factions on 11 March 95.

(Reuter 20 Mar 95, by Aidan Hartley)
NAIROBI - Marauding fighters in Sudan's south have laid to waste several villages, causing widespread misery in a civil war that never seems to end.

Philip O'Brien, head of the U.N.'s Operation Lifeline Sudan, said on Monday he had just returned from northern Bahr el-Ghazal province where villages had been devastated in recent months by forces nominally fighting for the hardline Islamic government.

In one case, O'Brien said conscripts from Khartoum's Popular Defence Forces (PDF) had destroyed the village of Malualkon while escorting military goods trains from the north to the southern garrison town of Wau.

"Houses were gone and there was widespread looting of crops," O'Brien told Reuters from his Nairobi office.

The PDF is an ill-trained force fighting alongside regular troops in the 12-year war against southern rebels of the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA).

Those who were plundered between November and January are civilians from the Dinka tribe, which has fed the ranks of the SPLA since it first rebelled in 1983.

The SPLA is supposed to be fighting to end domination of the mainly Arabised and Moslem north over the animist and Christian south. But in reality, the aims of the war have been blurred by years of infighting between SPLA factions and tribes.

These have often inflicted more deaths than the war with the north and aid workers have long described SPLA methods with their own people as brutal.

O'Brien said that one former SPLA leader from the Dinka, Kerubino Kwanyin Bol, had completely devastated another Bahr el-Ghazal village called Turalei.

Kerubino had been imprisoned by SPLA chief John Garang for 10 years before being released last year. He defected to Riak Machar, Garang's rival in the rebel movement, then split from him and began fighting allegedly with government military support.

Using a small force numbering less than 200, Kerubino has been scorching the earth in his own Bahr el-Ghazal home region - apparently in revenge against those who will not support him...


(Reuter 7 Mar 95, by Alfred Taban)
KHARTOUM - Kenya wants a regional grouping mediating in Sudan's civil war to arrange peace talks next month between the Sudanese government and the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA), a government newspaper reported on Tuesday.

Kenya had proposed that talks be resumed in April, coordinated by the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD), according to al-Ingaz al-Watani (National Salvation) newspaper.

Kenya heads the Sudan mediating committee set up by IGADD, a regional grouping in the Horn of Africa. The committee also includes Uganda, Ethiopia and Eritrea.

Sudan's Minister of Foreign Affairs Ali Osman Mohammad Taha met Kenyan Ambassador Philip Mwanzia on Monday to discuss the peace process and state television said Taha had expressed confidence in committee head President Daniel arap Moi...

Taha also held talks with the U.S. Ambassador in Khartoum Donald Petterson and discussed the next IGADD meeting, state television said. It quoted Taha as saying Sudan was committed to the IGADD peace initiative...

(SDG Mar 95, p.3)
...Last month, during his visit to the USA, the Eritrean president, Issaias Afeworki, explained the IGADD process to various government officials there. He outlined what the process is all about and what has been achieved so far. He explained how peace, security and development within the Horn of Africa is intrinsically linked to the political situations within all the states of the region. There cannot be successful development for Eritrea or any other neighbouring country without commensurate development in all the others. War is an obstacle to development and war in any of the states of the region adversely affects development in the others.

...Therefore, President Afeworki told his American hosts that all the IGADD countries have a vested interest in finding a lasting political settlement to the Sudanese conflict...

Peace in Sudan means peace for the whole country and its entire population. The Islamic Fundamentalists seized power in a military coup and have held on to it through force and repression. The Khartoum regime does not represent the broad mass of the Sudanese people, not even in the north of the country. For the IGADD process to remain consistent with its declared position of finding a broad based and comprehensive peace in Sudan, it should widen participation in the process to include other groups, notably from the Sudanese opposition, because they are more representative of the broad mass of Sudanese people.

Those opposition groupings within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) which have political agendas that accept the IGADD's Declaration of Principles, ought to be invited to participate in future talks...

The convening of the next IGADD session ought not to depend on whether Khartoum chooses to attend. The logic of the process would suggest that it is not only dependent upon the belligerents being present, namely the Khartoum regime and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA). A peace settlement must be something that all Sudanese can adhere to, if it is in any sense going to be a lasting one. There would be little point in negotiating a peace which could be easily denounced and violated by the successors to the Khartoum regime...

(Life & Peace Institute Mar 95)
During the first days of March, traditional leaders from southern Sudan, chiefs, elders, church leaders, men and women, Muslims and Christians, came together in Lokichoggio, just south of the Sudanese border. Many had walked for days to be able to participate in the meeting and they had come in order to find new ways of exerting their traditional, ethnically rooted ways of solving conflicts, believing that together they could have a real influence on the fighting factions in the south. Most of the larger ethnic groups were represented.

The meeting centered around how to empower traditional local civil leaders and through them spread a non-violent grassroots movement for peace in the south.

The initiative had been taken by the Sudanese Women's Voice for Peace, a group of Christian and Muslim women from different ethnic backgrounds, living in Nairobi, engaged in humanitarian work inside southern Sudan. The group's stated objective is to rally Sudan's women to work for peace with non-violent means among the grass roots in southern Sudan.

(NN/africa.horn 7 Mar 95 [Sudan-Info 3 Mar 95])
Following on their resolution to establish links with similar networks elsewhere, HAPG [Horn of Africa Policy Group, Canada] (and its members, incl. the Sudan Action Group) is taking part in the International Campaign for Peace in Sudan. This campaign is conducted by three partners:

- the European Working Group on the Horn of Africa (EWGHA);

- HAPG-Canada;

- the Coalition for Peace in the Horn of Africa (CPHA-USA), which coordinates the drafting of the campaign statement.

Here is the campaign statement as it was communicated to us this January `95.

"We call for the following:

1. Endorsement of the IGADD Declaration of Principles

We call on governments, human rights organizations, non-government organizations, religious bodies and other independent agencies around the world to follow the lead of the Heads of State of Kenya, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Uganda in affirming the Declaration of Principles as the basis for a negotiated settlement of the Sudan conflict. We support a process that includes on-going revisions in the DOP based on mutual discussions with all parties and call on the Government of Sudan to accept the Declaration of Principles as a starting point for serious negotiations.

2. Support of a Multi-Track Peace Diplomacy at the National, Factional and Communal levels

We call for a fresh coordinated effort to encourage peacemakers both within and outside Sudan to simultaneously work in formal and informal ways to bring peace at all levels of society. Participants should be drawn from governmental, non-governmental, church and religious groups and indigenous communities.

National: the IGADD initiative must be the exclusive arena for national mediation between the Government of Sudan, the SPLM, the SSIM and other Sudanese groups who may be added to the process representing significant population groupings.

Friends of IGADD, governmental and non-government, must be enlisted to lend support to the peace process. Efforts to undermine IGADD must be resisted by all as a sabotaging of the national peace process.

Inter-Factional: the international community and Sudanese civilian, church and women's groups must insist that the factions implement an immediate cease-fire between one another, accept a mutually agreeable mediator or mediation process and negotiate ways to live side by side in a manner that respects the human rights and needs of civilian populations and strengthens indigenous cultures.

Communal: Indigenous peace efforts among Sudanese neighbouring peoples offer the greatest hope for peace at a community level and create an atmosphere and momentum for peace that can have significant effects on both inter-factional and national efforts. When indigenous peoples, acting through their chiefs, churches, religious organizations, women's associations and civil administrators, initiate peace efforts, the international community, governments and non-governmental agencies, must be ready to provide material and personnel support to strengthen and facilitate the process.

3. Focus on Self-Reliance and Principles of Access and Accountability

The international donor community must move from an over reliance on food aid to a policy strengthening local capacity that builds on the social capital inherent within the cultures and requires both freedom of access and open accountability. This includes :

- conditioning all aid on respect for humanitarian principles and focusing emergency aid on the resettlement of displaced peoples into locations of relative security, thus enhancing self-reliance.

- Refusing to deliver aid by air to places which can be reached by road, barge or rail, forcing a restoration and practice of the principle of corridors of tranquillity.

- Focusing on non-food assistance that enhances local food production and seed banks, builds internal commerce, trains local personnel for primary health care, education and animal health. - Strengthening local organizations and institutions that respect cultural and traditional patterns.

Traditional and civic structures, religious organizations, women's organizations and indigenous non-government organizations build on traditional social capital and methods of self-reliance that resist dependency pressures in crisis settings.

4. Generate Pressure for Peace, Justice and Human Rights Peacemaking, humanitarian relief and self-reliance activities must be linked with strong multi-track pressure on all parties until they embrace peace with justice. These pressures should include the following :

- Challenge the Government of Sudan, SPLM/A and SSIM/A to live up to their rhetoric of democracy, autonomy for non-military institutions, protection of human rights, and promotion of women's rights.

- Advocate the placement of human rights monitors in both government and rebel areas of suspected abuse, including among the Nuba, Beja, Fur, Zaghawa, displaced around Khartoum and along dividing lines of factional groups.

- Ensure the observance by all member countries of the European Union's Arms Embargo of Sudan and work toward an expansion to an arms and energy embargo that could be adopted by the EU and the UN.

- Oppose all multilateral bank credits to Sudan.

- Find an international broadcast news mechanism that could beam radio news on a weekly basis into all of Sudan, giving news about the war, peace initiatives and the cost of waging war. Objective information puts pressure on leadership groups and provides hope for all peoples in Sudan working for a peaceful future.

All 3 partner groups mentioned above, HAPG-Canada, CPHA-USA and the EWGHA invite individuals and groups to join them in this campaign for peace in Sudan. A strategy will be worked out in months to come.

(ION 8 Apr 95, p.3)
...[ION editorial comment:] ...The Sudanese government now faces the task of converting the military victories into political ones, which explains its efforts to relaunch negotiations with Southern Sudan movements. It has asked France to act as go-between in organizing a peace conference in Khartoum to which the opposition leaders John Garang and Riak Machar would be invited. Officials in the French foreign ministry clearly do not share the pro-Sudanese infatuation of French interior minister Charles Pasqua and remain very reserved on the initative. On the other hand, a similar request that Sudanese foreign minister Ali Osman Mohammed Taha addressed to Norway hit its target: Oslo is very interested. Meanwhile, the Arabic language daily Al Hayat announced on April 4 that National Islamic Front leader Hassan al-Tourabi would soon have talks with Garang in Nairobi in a joint meeting with Kenyan head of state Daniel arap Moi, thanks to Sudanese businessman go-between Abdul-Hakam Taifour.


(SCSG Feb 95 [al-Sharq al-Awsat 30 Jan 95, 7 Feb 95, 14 Feb 95; AC 3 Feb 95])
Senior opposition leaders met in Asmara, the Eritrean capital on 27/12/94, to discuss prospects for peace. The four leaders, including John Garang of the SPLA and leaders of the Umma and the Democratic Unionist parties, the two main Northern opposition parties, along with a dissident brigadier who heads the Sudanese Allied Forces came to an agreement which acknowledges the country's religious and racial diversity, and allows for Southern independence if satisfactory federal arrangements cannot be made after the fall of the present regime. It commits all parties to the "non-use of religion in politics". Our last issue reported a similar agreement between the SPLA and the Umma party, signed in Chukudum, South Sudan in December. The Chukudum agreement differs from the Asmara one in that the former has much more detail, dealing at length with arrangements for the period after the predicted fall of the government. The agreement was only made public at the end of January, and on 30/1/95 the Democratic Unionist Party issued a statement saying that the Asmara agreement differed fundamentally from the Chukudum agreement, whose ideas are rejected by the DUP. The DUP has always opposed Southern secession vigorously and did not want to be associated with a meeting which took it so seriously. One week later the leader of the DUP, Muhammed Othman al-Mirghani, denied that there were any serious differences between his party and the Umma.

(AC 3 Mar 95, p.1)
Important shifts in policy and strategy are emerging in response to the continuing war in Sudan. Western officials have made a subtle switch from supporting the Nairobi peace process as such to hinting that a new government in Khartoum is needed to implement it. Officials of various factions of the Sudan People's Liberation Army, who once spoke as if a peace agreement with the National Islamic Front were possible, now talk of the prior need for a new government. And a new armed Northern opposition force looks set to play an important role in the new alignments.

The United States has caught and fed this mood. We understand that, following Sudan's incursions into Eritrea and Uganda and reports of Khartoum arming Egyptian Islamists, Washington plans `to strengthen the military capability' of neighbouring states, especially Uganda and Eritrea. This would open the way for arms supplies to the SPLA, which already gets arms via Uganda, and potentially to the Northern opposition via Eritrea.

Yet superficially, little change is apparent. The NIF government plans no-party elections soon and political parties remain banned. It has strengthened the ultra-hardliners by making National Islamic Front number two, Ali Osman Mohamed Taha, Foreign Minister, with his uncompromising ally, Ghazi Salah el Din, as his deputy...

Beneath the surface the political dynamics are changing. The government is not as strong as it was. Two main factors keep it in power: its security network, which crushes opposition in the North, and the lack of coherence and cohesion of the exiled opposition...

(SWB 18 Mar 95 [MBC TV, London, in Arabic 16 Mar 95])
Col John Garang, leader of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement [SPLM], which has been fighting the Sudanese government for 12 years, has announced that he has decided, in cooperation with the northern party opposition, to take the continuing war to northern Sudan, including Khartoum. Garang, who spoke in Arabic in an exclusive interview with MBC in the jungles of southern Sudan, said he was awaiting the arrival of a delegation from the Sudanese opposition to discuss the formation of a committee to act as a government-in-exile. The following report was sent by Ahmad al-Qurashi from southern Sudan:

[Qurashi - recording] For the first time since the SPLM was established in 1983, SPLM leader Dr John Garang has announced a new programme called the New Sudan Brigade. He denied that the formation of the New Sudan Brigade would affect the SPLM's alliances, especially with the other Sudanese forces:

[Garang] ...The [Islamic National] Front government must leave. In order for it to leave, there must be cooperation between the SPLA [Sudan People's Liberation Army] and the other opposition forces in Sudan. So [previous word in English], for the front government to leave, the Ummah and DUP [Democratic Unionist Party] must cooperate with us and we must cooperate with them...

[Qurashi] Former Sudanese Foreign Minister Dr Mansur Khalid explained the details of the new programme.

[Khalid] For historical and geographical reasons, the SPLM has not been able effectively to move the struggle to the north of the country. This brigade will deal with the struggle issues in the north. This initiative for the first time provides an opportunity in the movement for the northern elements and for sympathizers among the northerners both inside and outside Sudan. It accepts all Sudanese regardless of their race, origin, party loyalties or religious doctrines...

(Reuter 18 Mar 95)
KHARTOUM - Sudan's Minister of the Interior, Brigadier Al-Tayeb Ibrahim Mohammad Khair, on Saturday decreed the formation of the High Council for Civil Defence...

No reasons were given for the formation of the council but on Wednesday the rebel Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) said it would hit at targets in northern Sudan, including in Khartoum, in coordination with banned political parties to help overthrow the government of Lieutenant-General Omar Hassan Al-Bashir.

The Sudanese army dismissed the threats as psychological warfare.

(AC 3 Mar 95, p.2)
...The SPLA now consists of the following groups:

1. SPLA-Mainstream, under Col. John Garang de Mabior; deputy, Salva Kiir Mayardit; forces in Eastern Equatoria (Ugandan border), Western Equatoria (holds towns), southern Bahr el Ghazal, northern Upper Nile and south Southern Kordofan; uneasy relations with other factions: slams breakaways for `collaboration' with government though, since 1993 Washington Agreement, not Riek Machar.

2. Southern Sudan Independence Army/Movement (SSIA/M): head, Riek Machar; key figures are Cdr. Gordon Koang Chol, Daniel Koat Matthews (`D.K'), Richard Mulla; forces in north Upper Nile, some in central East Equatoria; founded with Lam Akol Ajawin, split from Garang in 1991 as SPLA-Nasir, later SPLA-United; joined by William Nyuon, Major Arok Thon Arok, Karabino Kuanyin; 1994: Riek sacked Lam Akol, prompting Arok Thon's resignation; Riek then sacked William and Karabino.

3. SPLA-United: reformed 1994 by Lam, Arok and Peter Sule (Bari); forces are new `Shiluk army' in north U. Nile (Tonga); SSIA, like Mainstream before it, accuses them of collaborating with Khartoum; Arok and Lam have both denied this to Africa Confidential.

4. SPLA-United: reformed 1994 by Karabino (Commander in Chief) and William; forces are William's east of Juba which have fought Garang's while Karabino's (deputy: Faustino Atem Gualdit) based in Gogrial area have fought Reik's; relations with Lam's group still fluid: Arok told us they hadn't consulted before setting up new SPLA-United: `We should compare notes'; Mainstream and SSIA accuse William and Karabino of fighting for Khartoum...

Though Mainstream is the strongest faction, Garang is still widely contested, particularly for his repeated references to `national unity'. The need for a referendum on `self-determination' is now received wisdom and it is assumed this would lead to independence. Members of all factions, even his own, say Garang will have to accept this or disappear. Riek has lost much political ground since 1993 and has been having trouble with his commanders, particularly Gordon Koang Chol (whom he briefly arrested in 1994) and Gordon Kong Banypiny and Nyang Chol. Kong Banypiny's militia (which last month seized eleven expatriate aid workers, later releasing them) was also working for Khartoum, Riek claimed to us. Riek's presence in Britain in February during a government offensive in his Upper Nile fief fuelled rumours of his overthrow. The two SPLA-United groups have smaller followings than their parent movements but both command loyalty in significant areas. Governments and aid agencies have tended to ignore them, partly in a bid to stem fragmentation. This may be a misreading of a complex situation: all will count in an eventual settlement. Despite what one Mainstream source called `a chaotic situation', supporters of various factions still talk of reconciliation. Factionalism is increasingly seen as a matter of personalities and the wider focus is on `self-determination' - code for `independence'...


(IPS 7 Mar 95, by Nhial Bol)
KHARTOUM - Foreign observers have declined invitations to monitor Sudan's one-party general elections - due to begin Wednesday.

"The international observers have not turned up as requested," according to a spokesman at the state-run Electoral Commission.

Only a week ago, the Commission's chairman, Abdel Moneim Al Nahas, told journalists that some foreign observers had already arrived to monitor the polling which begins first in the remote state of Darfur, on the border with Chad.

"We shall now rely on local observers consisting of senior magistrates and advisers from various Sudanese institutions to monitor the elections," Al Nahas said on Tuesday.

The international community, led by the United States, has continually urged the military junta which seized power in June 1989 to restore civilian rule in Sudan.

The U.S. Ambassador in Sudan, [Donald Petterson], ruled out any Washington support for the elections, called by the fundamentalist government of General Omar Hassan Al Bashir.

The Roman Catholic Church authorities advised minority Christian community to boycott the elections.

"We cannot participate in a poll where no political parties are allowed to stand and where people are forced to follow pre-defined policies and orientation of the government," six Catholic bishops, headed by the archbishop of Khartoum, Gabriel Zubeir, said in a pastoral letter.

The clergy feared that "no member of parliament will be permitted to go his or her way after the elections."

The letter, a copy of which was sent to President Al Bashir, warned that: "Many things could go wrong if the elections are imposed on the citizens". It did not elaborate...

(ION 18 Feb 95, p.8)
Sudanese head of state Omar Hassan al Bechir rejigged his cabinet on February 10 and named Ali Osman Muhammad Taha, the National Islamic Front's number two official, as foreign minister. He takes over from Hussein Abou Saleh, who has been seen as about to leave for several weeks and who will become Sudan's permanent representative to the United Nations in Washington. Another radical Islamic person, Ghazi Salah ed-Din Attabani, who was formerly the head of state's counsellor on political affairs, has been named secretary of state for foreign affairs. Ali Osman Muhammad Taha was born in Dongola province in 1950 and was a student leader during the 1970s, then joining the radical wing of NIF. He was elected MP in 1986 and was chairman of the NIF parliamentary group. He was a liaison agent with the Sudanese army while the coup d'etat of June 30, 1989 was being prepared, and shortly before it occurred he toured army officers' barracks in southern Sudan's garrison towns. He was later a member of the famous "Council of Forty", a NIF backroom circle which represents the real power in the Sudanese government, but came out of the shadows in July 1993 to be minister of social planning, a flexible post which has made him, for the past eighteen months, the real decision-maker in Sudan's domestic politics. His transfer to the foreign ministry and the simultaneous nomination of his close ally Salah ed-Din mark a sharp strengthening of radical Islamic grasp on Sudanese foreign policy...

(SNV 16 Mar 95)
Riots broke out in Umbaddah area (a suburb in western Omdurman) on Tuesday night, 7 March 1995, in a protest by residents in the area (Hara 14 - known as Angola), against the demolition of their houses, considered by the authorities as illegal and unplanned. The demonstrators set fire to the local Land Registration Office which houses more than 6 thousand documents...

Sixty people, including five women, were arrested and are being interrogated at present.

(IPS 20 Feb 95, by Nhial Bol)
KHARTOUM - ...Health minister Abdel Halim said Saturday that his ministry was planning to introduce regulations which would expose companies importing alcohol-based drugs to sanctions provided for under the Sharia (Islamic law).

The warning came on the heels of calls by Islamic groups in parliament for a total ban on medicines that violate the Sharia. Parliament has formed a committee to study the issue and come up with recommendations...

Al Beshir Hassan el Beshir, a senior official of a Croatian-financed pharmaceutical firm here charged that when Sudan banned medicines containing alcohol by imposing the Sharia in 1983, it failed to introduce alternative drugs against fevers, malaria and other diseases...

"Our people are dying of malaria and if the decision to ban medicines is effectively implemented malaria will spread and many more will die," he said at a press conference he held on Saturday...


(SNV 16 Mar 95)
Lt. Gen Omer al-Bashir, President of Sudan, had expressed his government's desire to re-establish normal relations with Eritrea. He said that the Eritrean side showed no desire for the normalisation of relations, but we are not convinced with their reasons.

In a press statement, published in Khartoum, Bashir said "we do not see any reasons for severing diplomatic relations with Eritrea. Therefore reasons for establishing the relations are still valid". He attributed Eritrea's actions to its inexperience in dealing with other countries and organisations. He pointed out that Yemen had made an extensive effort to mediate, but the lack of desire from the Eritreans had resulted in the failure of this initiative.

On the other hand, the Eritrean President, Isayas Afowerki, had said, in an interview with Al-Hayat newspaper (11 March 1995), that Sudan is building up its military on the border between Sudan and Eritrea. He said "We are not worried because we know Sudan's military capability and its inability to stage any military action against us. This is just a show-off which has no military, political or moral effect on us".

In another interview with Al-Hayat (12 March 1995), the President of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, said that his country will not hesitate to declare war against Sudan if it does not stop interfering in Ethiopia's internal affairs and stop supporting fundamentalist Islamic groups in Ethiopia.

Khartoum had also accused Uganda of collaborating with Eritrea against Sudan. The government-owned al-Sudan al-Hadith newspaper said that the visit by the Ugandan army chief, Major-General Mugisha Muntu to Asmara recently, is part of a conspiracy against Sudan. It also accused Uganda of assisting the SPLA in its fight against the government in Southern Sudan...

(SWB 25 Mar 95 [KTN TV, Nairobi, in English 23 Mar 95])
The Sudanese government and its opposition are now locked in a war of words over the existence of a guerrilla movement in northern Sudan plotting against the Kenya government. The Sudanese ambassador, Yasir Muhammad Ahmad, absolved his government from accusations, saying that it was unthinkable for a guerrilla movement to operate from [the] far north hatching an attack on Kenya in the far south. If anything, Ahmad argued, the movement exists in the southern Sudan with its members having undergone training in Tanzania and fought in Mozambique.

Yesterday [22nd March] the leader of the Sudanese People's Liberation Army, John Garang, claimed that the unregistered Islamic Party of Kenya was engaged in subversive activities against the Kenya government from a base in Khartoum government-controlled Nile Region.

[Ahmad - recording] The north is very far for this training. And we know what ties we have with Kenya, so we cannot dare to do anything like this. If you look into the schools of thoughts between the three [Museveni, Garang and Odongo] - and you can name them, I will not name them for you - they are from one school of thoughts. They are all trained in Tanzania. They have all fought in Mozambique. So there is something joint between these three and not with the north [of Sudan].

(Reuter 28 Mar 95)
KAMPALA - Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi is to chair a meeting between officials from Uganda and Sudan in a bid to end a row between the two neighbours, officials said on Tuesday...

(SWB 30 Mar 95 [RSR in Arabic, 28 Mar 95])
Mr Ali Uthman Muhammad Taha, the foreign minister, today [28th March] met Mr Amr Musa, the Egyptian foreign minister in Cairo. The meeting discussed issues facing the Arab nation and relations between the two countries.

Mr Ali Uthman explained that the meeting was a good starting point for reaching a common understanding on all issues and opening a new page in relations in the interest of the Arab and Islamic nation. He said Mr Amr Musa, the Egyptian foreign minister, had promised to visit Khartoum on a date to be fixed later...

(Reuter 15 Feb 95, by Alfred Taban)
KHARTOUM - Sudan on Wednesday denied any involvement in the 1993 bombing of New York's World Trade Centre and protested at the conditions in which Sudanese linked with the bombing are being held.

U.S. federal prosecutors have placed the Sudanese mission to the United Nations on a list of 173 people and institutions possibly involved in the bombing, in which six persons died and more than 1,000 were injured.

The Sudanese foreign ministry challenged the United States to come up with a single piece of evidence to show the involvement of the Sudanese mission...

(ION 11 Mar 95, p.1)
Paris never misses a chance to try to charm Khartoum. But the option is a strictly geo-strategical choice: hopes that Sudanese mediation might help find peace in Algeria, determination to cock a snoot [?] at the United States, or simply a search for a foot-in-the-door for French companies hunting future trade contracts. Sometimes it hides inter-state cooperation in highly sensitive areas of security and intelligence (ION No 608), but as often it cloaks proceedings which are more symbolic and so revealing. An example was the case of eleven foreign members of several international NGOs who were taken hostage last month in the village of Waat, south-east of Malakal, by a commando headed by Gordon Koang Banypiny, an SPLA defector protected by Khartoum (ION No 659). France's diplomats hastily followed in Khartoum's footsteps in describing the event as no more than another element of the internecine fighting among the southern rebels. Unfortunately, after the hostages had been released, Gordon Koang placed himself under the protection of the government garrison in Malakal and then gave himself up at the headquarters of army operations for the Upper Nile region, located in a village some 30 km south of Malakal.

Around the same time, Daniel Yves Taupenas, the first counsellor in the French embassy in Khartoum..., ordered an official of the Paris-financed Malakal hospital rehabilitation project to hand over medicaments to the Sudanese army. The official's flat refusal and the fact that he might testify that Gordon Koang had indeed been in Malakal shortly after the hostage-grab episode earned him a scorching reprimand from the French embassy. He was also instructed to sign a statement for media denying that he had ever seen Gordon Koang in Malakal and when he refused that too, he was bundled out of Sudan and back to Paris on February 28 by French embassy officials, perhaps on the grounds that the Sudanese authorities had asked for him to be expelled. His contract with an organization known as "Action Humanitaire France", which is the front-hall manager for the hospital rehabilitation project, was cancelled on the spot for alledged "non-respect of the duty to remain silent". The organization is a pseudo NGO controlled by France's junior minister for humanitarian action, where the chef de cabinet is Robert Noel Castellani, a senior civil servant (with prefect's ranking) who is often seen as close to French interior minister Charles Pasqua.

The whole episode highlights both the systematically low profile maintained by France's diplomats in Khartoum and also the limits of state-assisted humanitarian aid. In private, a Khartoum embassy counsellor showed the measure of constraints applied when he indicated that because of official secrecy, it would not be possible to raise the alarm if a French doctor were to be killed at Malakal. The French government's hospital project is therefore virtually classified "Official Secret". Despite its expenditure already hitting the $2-million level, the French government refrains from excessive publicity on its projects in Malakal and French journalists are not encouraged to go there either. Commenced under the former socialist goverment's minister for humanitarian action Bernard Kouchner and implemented from 1993 onwards by a Chinese enterprise and Egyptian architects working through Action Humanitaire France, the project has been controversial right from the start. Although the Malakal hospital project is intended to serve the town's civilian population, in point of fact it is an instrument of Khartoum's war effort in this region. The Action Humanitaire Francaise mission has now been handed over to the military and two French army doctors have been despatched there. As for Gordon Koang, the man who stirred the hornet's nest in the first place, he is believed to have been summarily instructed by the Sudanese government army to get out of Malakal and is thought to be wandering somewhere in the region.

(SWB 18 Mar 95 [RSR in Arabic, 16 Mar 95])
Talks between Sudan and Iran opened at the Foreign Ministry this morning [16th March]. The Sudanese side was led by Umar Yusuf Baridu, the first undersecretary at the Foreign Ministry, while the Iranian side was led by Mr Hoseyn Sheykh ol-Eslam, the Iranian deputy foreign minister. The two sides discussed cooperation between the two countries and ways of promoting bilateral relations...

(SNV 16 Mar 95)
Salem Ahmed Salem, General Secretary of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), will visit Khartoum on 6 April 1995 in an official visit for 5 days. Mr. Salem will meet President Bashir to discuss issues of the Horn of Africa and the situation in Southern Sudan. The visit has been postponed three times before based on requests by the Sudanese government. The reason given for the last request to postpone the visit from its scheduled date of 9 March to 6 April, was that the President will be busy and the Minister of Foreign Affairs will not be available.

(Reuter 3 Apr 95, by Dominic Evans)
KHARTOUM - A worldwide Islamist meeting in Sudan that resolved to support armed struggle against Israel offered Moslem radicals and militants a rare chance to coordinate strategy, delegates and diplomats said.

After three days of conference hall rhetoric and a final session which threw together resolutions barely changed from the last meeting in 1993, delegates said the main aim of attending was the opportunity for networking with sympathetic groups.

Western diplomats following the meeting said they were more interested to know what practical links might have been forged between militants waging campaigns of violence across the Arab and Islamic world that in the final resolution...

Delegates from more than 80 countries included figures from Hizbollah, Palestinian militant groups Hamas and Islamic Jihad, Algerian Islamists from an-Nahda and the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) as well as Egypt's fundamentalist Moslem Brotherhood.

"We are worried about what sort of meetings might have been going on on the sidelines," one Western diplomat said...

In a final resolution issued on Sunday, the conference rejected the PLO-Israeli accord for Palestinian self-rule, supported an armed struggle against Israel, called for the lifting of U.N. sanctions against Iraq and Libya, and urged Moslem countries to implement Sharia (Islamic law)...


(African Rights Feb 95)
This is a brief outline of a new 60-page report by African Rights.

The government of Sudan is inflicting appalling suffering on several million of its citizens who are displaced from their homes, through a systematic and brutal policy of forcible change of cultural identity, discrimination through the law, the demolition of their houses and forced relocation. Migrants, almost all non-Arab Sudanese from the South and west of the country, are encamped around large Northern cities, with nearly two million within a few kilometres of Khartoum itself. The tragedy of these `displaced people' is on a scale with few parallels. However, the displaced in Northern Sudan are politically invisible. They are systematically oppressed by their government and shunned and ostracised by the majority of the Northern townspeople...

International concern for the displaced has been at best sporadic, and almost entirely ineffective. The UN has been drawn into assistance programmes that, while they mitigate some of the material suffering of the displaced, give a spurious veneer of respectability to the government's policy. Most international agencies persist in regarding the displaced as a technical problem facing the government, rather that a human rights and political question...

Without any advocates, up to three million non-Arab displaced people in Sudan face a future as invisible, disenfranchised citizens.

/HAB/ To order "Sudan's Invisible Citizens", contact African Rights, 11 Marshalsea Road, London SE1 1EP, U.K.; Tel:+44 171 717 1224; Fax:+44 171 717 1240.

(NN/ 26 Mar 95 [Feb 95])
/HAB/ The following excerpts have been reordered and subheadings added for editorial reasons.


...The dismal human rights situation showed no improvement in 1994. Both the Government and insurgents committed serious human rights abuses, including massacres and extrajudicial killing, kidnaping, and forced conscription. A myriad of official and secret government security forces routinely harassed, detained, and tortured opponents or suspected opponents of the Government with impunity. Despite some improvement in overall cooperation with U.N.-sponsored relief operations, both the SPAF/PDF and SPLA/SSIM periodically obstructed the flow of humanitarian assistance to affected populations.

The Government and rebels continued to restrict most civil rights, including the rights to free speech and association. In the context of the Islamization and Arabization drive, pressure--including forced Islamization--on non-Muslims remained strong. Fears of Arabization and Islamization and the imposition of Shari'a (Islamic law) have fueled support for the southern insurgency. Serious abuses against women and children continued...


...In addition to the regular police and Sudan People's Armed Forces (SPAF), the Government maintains an Islamic militia, the Popular Defense Forces (PDF), and an Islamic police force, the Popular Police, whose mission includes enforcing proper social behavior, including restrictions on alcohol and "immodest dress."...


...Some aspects of Sudanese law and many traditional practices discriminate against women. Gender segregation is commonplace. In keeping with Islamic law, Muslim women are not accorded the same property, inheritance, and family rights as Muslim men. Women typically inherit half as much of the estate of a man with the same degree of kinship, and only men may initiate legal divorce proceedings. These rules apply only to Sudanese Muslims and not to those of other faiths. Women are discriminated against in employment, and only a small number of women worked in the professions, the police, and the military...

...Women may not travel outside of Sudan without the permission of their husbands or male guardians...


..Government practice, as opposed to government rhetoric, demonstrated no significant concern for the rights and welfare of children. A considerable number of children suffered serious abuses, including occasional enslavement, in the war zones. There were recurrent reports that the SPLA held thousands of children in camps against their will and used them as a reservoir of recruits for its military forces.

There continued to be credible but unconfirmed reports of the existence of special camps where people from the north or from abroad come to purchase women and children. In his report to the U.N. Commission on Human Rights, the U.N. Special Rapporteur noted eyewitness accounts which revealed consistent reports of the locations of camps. Young girls and women are reportedly purchased for housekeepers and in some cases wives. The boys are reportedly kept as servants...


...Although the law prohibits forced or compulsory labor, slavery persists. The taking of slaves, particularly in war zones, and their export to parts of central and northern Sudan continued in 1994. Captives were forced to do agricultural and domestic work, and some women were forced to serve as concubines. Although in some instances local authorities took action to stop instances of slavery, in other cases the authorities did nothing. There were also several unconfirmed reports that some captives were exported to Libya. In its 1993 World Labor Report, the ILO noted that traditional slavery survived and is increasing in modern-day Sudan in the context of the ongoing civil war.

The SPLA and SSIM continued to force southern men to work as laborers or porters or forcibly conscripted them into their fighting forces...

(SCSG Feb 95 [Sudan Focal Point Dec 94-Jan 95])
Five child slaves arrived in Khartoum in October 1994, and their stories have reached us. Here are some of them.

D.A.D.: "My name is D.A.D. I am 11 years old. I am a Dinka but I cannot remember my parent because I was captured by Arab Murahileen [tribal militia] when I was very young. We were taken from our village which I can't remember to M., where we were divided up among our captors. Y.A. took me into his household. I looked after his cattle. One day, Y.A.'s bulls got lost in the bush. This earned me a serious beating. He is very unkind, this Y.A." A.M.A.: "My name is A.M.A. and I'm 10 years old. I am a Dinka from M.B. near N. It was one morning when some Arabs came on horseback and killed my father and took me with them. They took me and other children to S. near D. where they divided us among themselves. I was taken by A.R.O. He assigned me to look after his cattle. I might have stayed with him for seven years - I don't know. I was often mistreated and fed on sour milk. Two of us Dinka children were in A.R.O.'s household, the other was A., a girl older than me. I'm glad I have been freed from torment."

W.M.A.: "My name is W.M.A., aged 14, I am a Dinka from Northern Bahr al Ghazal. The day the Murahileen attacked our village 22 villagers, including me, were captured. They speared my uncle and his son dead. We spent four days walking from our village to a place called G. in Arabland. They divided us among themselves ... A.A. took me ... He is a nomadic cattle keeper ... and we were wandering the wilderness with him in search of pasture for the cattle. A.A. was fond of beating me, especially whenever a calf went astray. He used to buy an araki [a cheap robe] and he would not buy me another until the first one was worn out. In the beginning he warned me that if I did not convert to Islam he would kill me. I was renamed [a Muslim name] and I used to pray with him five times a day. But since I was retrieved from him I have stopped praying because I know now that I am a Christian."

(Reuter 8 Mar 95)
GENEVA - Sudan was condemned at the United Nations on Wednesday for abuses including torture, summary executions and slavery.

In one of the fiercest censure resolutions it has ever adopted, the U.N. Human Rights Commission also urged Sudan to stop violating the rights of children.

The resolution was passed by the commission, the U.N.'s highest human rights forum, as it wrapped up its annual six-week session.

The Commission expressed "deep concern at continued serious human rights violations in the Sudan, including summary executions, extrajudicial killings, arbritrary arrests, detentions without due process, violations of the rights of women and children, slavery and slavery-like practices, forced displacement of persons and systematic torture"...

The resolution was largely based on a report by Hungarian lawyer Gaspar Biro, the Commission's special rapporteur on human rights in Sudan...

He said both Sudan's Islamic government and factions of the opposition Sudanese People's Liberation Army (SPLA) were committing abuses against civilians.

Biro said the government was continuing to round up children from the streets of Khartoum and other major northern towns and send them to special camps for ideological indoctrination and conversion to Islam...

(Reuter 10 Mar 95)
KHARTOUM - Sudan has rejected a United Nations Human Rights Commission resolution condemning it for abuses including torture, summary executions and slavery.

Sudan's Minister of Justice Abdel Aziz Shido described the resolution as illogical, the official press reported on Friday...

"Sudan strongly protests at the charges... the situation of women in Sudan is distinguished - a position not found anywhere else in the world," Shido said, adding that Sudan respects all international laws dealing with women.


(AED 13 Feb 95)
Gold will become the country's leading export in the next 10 years, says energy and mines minister Salah al-Din Karrar.

Karrar told the privately-owned al-Bar al-Youm newspaper that the government had drawn up a plan to mine 4,000 kg of gold in the current year.

A Franco-Sudanese firm, ARIAB, has been mining and exporting small quantities of gold since 1991.

Karrar says the country has deposits of gold in a belt stretching from Kapoeta in the south near the Kenyan border to the east of the country.

(SWB 14 Mar 95 [RSR in Arabic, 8 Mar 95])
The minister of energy and mining, Mr Salah al-Din Karrar, has announced that a contract will be signed in the coming few days between the Ministry of Energy and Mining and a major Chinese gold prospecting company for the prospecting of gold in the Blue Nile region.

Mr Salah Karrar announced that, according to the contract, the company would be granted a concession to prospect for gold in a region located in southern Blue Nile state. His Excellency added that there were companies from South Africa currently negotiating for gold prospecting concessions in the Red Sea region.

(AED 27 Feb 95)
Total production of sorghum last year was over 4 million tonnes, compared to 2.3 million tonnes the year before. Millet production saw a record rise to 1 million tonnes from 220,000 tonnes.

Groundnut production grew 89 per cent, but sesame production fell from 185,000 tonnes to 22,000 tonnes. Gum arabic production is up to 35,000 from 29,000.

(AED 27 Feb 95)
The rate of GNP growth might reach 10 per cent by the end of this year and inflation could be down by 55 per cent, says finance minister Abdalla Hassan Ahmed.

The agricultural sector grew by about 23.6 per cent last year, compared with average growth of about 12 per cent the year before, while both industrial and services sectors grew by 5 per cent.